1. Overall assessment of where we stand today
Thirty-five years after the counter-revolutionary overthrows, the balance of power worldwide remains unfavourable to the class-oriented forces, despite the problems of capitalism and the intensification of its contradictions. Capitalist power has managed to co-opt not only sections of the working class, the labour–trade union movement and the popular middle strata, but also Communist Parties. However, developments themselves increasingly point to a system that is outdated, decayed and historically obsolete.
In recent years, the gap between the wealth concentrated in monopoly groups and the relative and absolute poverty experienced by the vast majority of workers has widened.
Instead of being used to fully meet expanding social needs, new technological capabilities, digital transformation and artificial intelligence (AI) are exploited by capital to increase profitability and the concentration of capital, to increase the degree of exploitation and to suppress and manipulate the working class and the people in general. This capitalist exploitation exacerbates the contradictions inherent in the capitalist system itself.
The intensification of the trend towards relative and absolute impoverishment and long-term unemployment, coupled with the failure to utilize modern scientific and technological capabilities to safeguard the health of the people, fulfil their educational needs, and protect the environment, underscores the sharpening of the fundamental contradiction between capital and labour and, more broadly, of all social contradictions within the capitalist system.
Compared to the long-term average for the period 2000–2019, the slowdown in the international economy over the last three years highlights the large amount of over-accumulated capital that cannot be recapitalized or invested to secure a satisfactory rate of profit. The recession in the Eurozone economy, particularly in Germany, as well as in Japan in Asia, and the marginal slowdown in the USA, are indicative of the real situation of the international capitalist economy.
The over-accumulation of capital and the manifestation of the crisis are periodic results of the normal functioning of the capitalist economy. This is not a deviation, as bourgeois analyses would have us believe. Rather, it arises from the contradiction at the core of the functioning of the capitalist system in the production sphere.
The previous period also proved, once again, that no proposal for bourgeois management —whether Keynesian or neo-liberal, expansionary or restrictive fiscal and monetary policy— can override the laws of capitalist production, nor the contradiction between the social character of production and the capitalist appropriation of its results, which is the fundamental contradiction of the capitalist mode of production and the principal cause of its economic crises.
All management formulas were tested (such as the increase and subsequent decrease of interest rates by the central banks of the imperialist centres, and the large packages of state aid for the “green transition”), confirming once again that they only temporarily mitigate contradictions; they cannot resolve the growing contradictions inherent in the capitalist system.
In this context, and given the sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions, there has been a shift towards a war economy and preparations for a large-scale imperialist war. The aim is twofold: on the one hand, to postpone the onset of the next major capitalist crisis through investment in the war economy; and, on the other hand, to create the conditions for a relatively controlled, large-scale devaluation and destruction of capital in the various hotbeds of war. This shift is accompanied by an increase in the degree of the exploitation of workers, reduced social policy spending and intensified authoritarianism and repression in all imperialist centres.
Once again, it is clear that there is no crime that big capital will hesitate to commit in order to preserve its power and maximize its profits.
For the same reasons that it is escalating its attack on workers’ incomes and rights during this period of imperialist peace, it is planning to drag the peoples into war.
All these developments confirm that capitalism is a historically outdated system. They highlight that the only progressive way out for our times is the revolutionary transition to socialism–communism.
2. Uneven development and sharpening of competition
Uneven development is playing a decisive role in changing the correlation of forces and further sharpening the contradictions between imperialist alliances, within existing alliances, and in the intra-bourgeois contradictions of capitalist states.
Competition between imperialist powers for control of mineral wealth, energy resources, fertile land, water resources, energy and commodity transport routes, geopolitical footholds and market shares has caused two regional imperialist wars —one in Ukraine and one in the Middle East— in which a large number of capitalist states around the world are involved in one way or another. In addition, there are dozens of flashpoints on all continents, where people are shedding their blood for the interests of monopolies and the bourgeois classes. Imperialist alliances are being formed and realigned, and contradictions within them are intensifying.
A key element of the struggle at the international level is the challenge to the supremacy of the USA and the NATO–EU bloc of forces in the international imperialist system.
Opposite the Euro-Atlantic alliance stands the Eurasian alliance under formation, with China as its main force, challenging the USA for supremacy in the international imperialist system, and Russia, which remains the second strongest military power. This alliance, despite its various forms, is looser than the Euro-Atlantic (USA–NATO–EU) alliance and is influenced both by internal contradictions and the interventions of the Euro-Atlantic alliance.
The USA, which still holds the leading position, is trying to halt the shift in the balance of power in China’s favour. International financial institutions have already downgraded the US credit rating. This trend is reflected in the decline of the US share and the significant increase of China’s share in Gross World Product (global GDP) between 2000 and 2025, in the significant difference in growth rates between the USA and China, the large US trade deficit in bilateral trade with China and the EU, and the sharp rise in US public debt. International financial institutions are already downgrading the credit rating of the USA.
In this context, the new Trump administration is further strengthening the protectionist measures introduced by previous US administrations, increasing trade tariffs and threatening to escalate the trade war, even against its allies in the Euro-Atlantic camp. It is abandoning its international commitments to the “green transition” and intensifying the extraction of hydrocarbons. It is promoting a relative devaluation of the dollar to boost US exports, putting pressure on China to prevent the expansion of its influence, while reinforcing the inflow of capital to the USA.
It is trying to limit China’s influence within the emerging BRICS alliance by holding special talks and negotiations with Russia and India. It is also trying to weaken China’s “Belt and Road Initiative”, which strengthens its economic ties with countries in Asia and Europe.
US policies are sharpening contradictions within the Euro-Atlantic camp and causing a deterioration in relations between the USA and the EU, Canada and Australia. They are exacerbating intra-bourgeois contradictions within the USA, which are also reflected in developments within the bourgeois political system. They are increasing the likelihood of the decline of the dollar as an international currency. They have a negative impact on international trade and reinforce the downward trend in the international capitalist economy.
At the same time, China is taking a series of countermeasures to respond to the pressure of US protectionist policies. It has reduced its dependence on exports to the US market and is generously funding the development of new domestic technology and consumption. It is capitalizing on its privileged position in industrial production and supply chains, particularly in the control of rare earths, which play an important role in key sectors in the US and the EU, such as the automotive and the military industry as well as aerodynamics. It is strengthening its strategic alliance with Russia and building on the momentum created by the BRICS, which now includes 10 states and 10 cooperating partners. That is why the US government, despite its aggressive declarations in the trade war, is forced to make temporary compromises and agreements with China.
The People’s Republic of China is currently the most striking example of capitalist restoration led by a Communist Party that has been co-opted in capitalist power, exploiting its ability to intervene extensively in the economy —a fact which, however, has not reduced social inequality and class exploitation in China, as is the case throughout the capitalist world.
The BRICS countries now far exceed the G7 in their share of global GDP and labour force. They have established a Development Bank (NDB) and a Common Reserve Account (CRA) for emergency situations and are taking steps to strengthen bilateral trade based on their national currencies rather than the dollar, but their structure remains loose, without binding commitments and with internal contradictions (particularly between China and India).
The sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions could widen existing cracks in the Euro-Atlantic axis in the coming years. There are already significant differences, and opinions are increasingly diverging on the stance towards the war in Ukraine, and, more broadly, on relations with Russia and China, trade tariffs, military spending and the “green transition”.
The EU is losing ground and its position in international competition with the USA and China is deteriorating.
In this context, bourgeois states are casting aside diplomatic channels, giving priority instead to trade and economic wars, as well as military preparation. There is a general trend towards a so-called “war economy”.
3. The course of the EU and the Eurozone
The eurozone economy has been relatively stagnant over the past three years, with a growth rate not exceeding 0.5%. The most optimistic forecasts suggest that it could reach only 1.1% in 2025.
The EU has become less competitive relative to the USA and China for a number of reasons: higher energy costs; lagging behind in digital transformation, artificial intelligence and new technologies in general; its greater degree of outward-looking policy, which makes it more vulnerable to trade wars; and its heavy dependence on imports of critical raw materials (e.g. rare earths).
The possible escalation of the trade war by the US government, combined with the relative appreciation of the euro against the dollar and comparatively higher energy prices, will have a negative impact on Eurozone exports.
This situation exacerbates inter-bourgeois contradictions both within and between EU member states (e.g. France, Germany and the Netherlands), due to the objective differences in their fiscal situations, the uneven consequences of the green transition and the shift toward a war economy, their different responses to migration, and, more generally, the impact of uneven capitalist development. Nine EU member states have already breached the EU’s fiscal rules (e.g. France, Italy and Belgium). The differences also concern the stance toward Trump’s policies, as well as toward Russia and China (e.g. Hungary, Slovakia and Poland).
In any case, the EU is heading toward a further reactionary turn. The implementation of EU directives requires an escalation of the attack on people’s incomes and rights, the extension of flexible labour relations and retirement age limits, new cuts in social spending (e.g. health care), and a further increase in the relative and absolute impoverishment of the workers.
At the same time, the leadership of the EU and the European Central Bank are promoting the escalation of the trade war with the USA as an opportunity to accelerate efforts to secure the EU’s “strategic autonomy”. More specifically, the EU is attempting to strengthen the euro’s position as an international currency, reverse the flow of capital (from the USA to the EU) and expand its international alliances.
This provides the context for the shift toward a war economy and the reinforcement of the EU’s military forces. This shift is accompanied by a significant increase and reallocation of Community funding, aimed at adapting broad sectors of the economy and scientific research to the needs of the war economy (e.g. the “ReArm Europe” plan to mobilize up to €800 billion, the SAFE financial instrument, etc.).
Of course, the shift toward a war economy is marked by contradictions. Given the EU’s stance on inter-imperialist conflicts and the fact that the overwhelming majority of its member states are also NATO members (with the exceptions of Ireland, Cyprus and Malta), this orientation leads to the purchase of US weapons systems and the further strengthening of the US war industry. At the same time, this shift intensifies contradictions over the redistribution of EU funds (e.g. for the agricultural sector and the green transition) and over the forms of financing (e.g. joint borrowing mechanisms).
4. The imperialist war in Ukraine. Τhe KKE’s positions on the causes of the war, its character and the danger of its generalization
Our Party was quick to expose the imperialist character of the war in Ukraine, on both sides of the conflict. It emphasized that the Ukrainian people are paying the price for the competition and interventions of NATO and the EU, which support the Zelenskiy government, on the one hand, and of capitalist Russia, on the other. This represents the culmination of a process that began with the overthrow of socialism and has intensified over the last decade, following the events in Maidan Square. These events were backed by sections of the Ukrainian bourgeoisie, as well as by the EU, NATO, and other capitalist states, and led to a coup d’état against the Ukrainian government, accompanied by persecutions of communists, attacks on the Russian-speaking populations in Ukraine, and the banning of all political parties that opposed Ukraine’s integration into NATO and the EU.
The KKE has revealed to the people how the fuel for this war was accumulated. It highlighted the responsibilities of the bourgeois classes of all the forces involved, rejected their pretexts and countered the anti-communist and anti-Soviet distortions of history promoted by both sides. It stressed the need for the peoples to struggle together and opposed Greece’s multifaceted involvement in the war, for which the New Democracy government and all the Euro-Atlantic parties bear responsibility.
In the three-and-a-half years of this war, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians and Russians have lost their lives, mainly young people of the working class and the poor popular strata. Approximately twenty-five million people have fled their homes. Homes and public infrastructure have been destroyed on a massive scale. Amidst the ruins, capitalist states and monopolies are competing for the “reconstruction” of Ukraine, viewing it as an “investment opportunity”. This will cost hundreds of billions of euros, a burden that the people will be made to bear.
The Russian bourgeoisie has succeeded in seizing 20% of Ukrainian territory and seeks to incorporate Ukraine, in one way or another, into its imperialist alliances, thus preventing its accession to NATO and the EU. The current interim goal of the Russian leadership is to demilitarize Ukraine and ensure that it does not join NATO, while securing recognition of the territorial gains achieved on the battlefield.
The Ukrainian bourgeoisie and its Euro-Atlantic allies seek Russia’s withdrawal from all Ukrainian territories, promoting deeper NATO involvement in the war and Ukraine’s parallel alignment with NATO.
The Trump administration appears in favour of a settlement that would not address the underlying causes of the conflict, but would instead establish a temporary “peace”, providing fertile ground for monopolies to profit from reconstruction and enabling the US to expand its political and economic cooperation with Russia. This would aim to drive a wedge into the emerging Eurasian bloc, concentrate US forces in the confrontation with China and reshape the global balances that govern the unequal relations of interdependence in the imperialist “pyramid”. Such a realignment, under US planning, would seek to reverse the current trend of decline in its power.
This plan is opposed by dominant circles within the EU, who believe that their own interests are being undermined. There is also resistance from sections of monopoly capital and the bourgeoisie in other countries, which have an interest in prolonging the military conflict and maintaining the sanctions policy against Russia. This is an issue is causing tensions within the EU as well.
The outbreak of contradictions and realignments within imperialist alliances as imperialist conflict and competition unfold is neither paradoxical nor unprecedented, but a typical feature of imperialist wars. It can lead to former adversaries becoming allies, and former allies becoming adversaries.
Whether the war continues or a temporary “peaceful” settlement is reached, the root causes of the conflict will remain. The danger of escalation and generalization persists, alongside the conditions for a major humanitarian and environmental disaster. The opposing forces are now deploying increasingly modern, state-of-the-art weapons with greater range, even in battles fought near nuclear power plants. The risk of nuclear disaster is also heightened by the fact that Russia, as well as NATO and EU member states involved on Ukraine’s side (e.g. the USA, the United Kingdom and France), are among the world’s most powerful nuclear powers.
5. The imperialist war in the Middle East, the aims of Israel–USA–NATO, the genocide of the Palestinian people, internationalist solidarity and support for their just struggle
The Israeli war machine supported by the USA and the EU, launched a massive operation in the Gaza Strip, using the Hamas attack as a pretext. This operation resulted in the deaths and injuries of tens of thousands of innocent people, including unarmed civilians, young children, women and elderly people.
Our Party has consistently stood on the side the Palestinian people, organizing large demonstrations and demanding the recognition of the Palestinian state within the borders that existed prior to June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. We have waged decisive battles in the ideological confrontation propagated under the pretext of combatting “terrorism”, Israel’s right to “self-defence” and other arguments invoked by the dominant bourgeois propaganda, supported by the government and other bourgeois parties, as well as by those who support the Eurasian imperialist axis under formation.
We denounced and opposed the Greek government’s refusal to implement the unanimous 2015 decision of the Greek parliament to recognize the Palestinian state, as well as its whitewashing of Israel’s crimes. This strategy aligns with that of the country’s bourgeoisie, which has pursued economic, political and military cooperation with Israel, a process that began under the PASOK government led by Prime Minister G. Papandreou. Subsequently, the Samaras government (New Democracy–PASOK–Democratic Left) extended cooperation agreements, and the SYRIZA–ANEL government, with Prime Minister A. Tsipras, negotiated and agreed on the terms of the defence cooperation agreement with Israel, which was ultimately ratified by the ND government led by Prime Minister K. Mitsotakis.
Strengthening solidarity with peoples fighting against the imperialist plans of the US and NATO, such as the Palestinian people, remains a matter of ideological–political importance. The imperialist nature of the war in the Middle East and the bourgeois character of Hamas and the Palestinian Authority do not invalidate the just struggle of the Palestinian people and other peoples in the region, who resist and fight against foreign occupation and other imperialist plans. Through this struggle, they can create the conditions necessary to free themselves once and for all from the system of exploitation and war. It is a matter of internationalist solidarity to defend the struggle and the right of the Palestinians to obtain their own homeland, which requires challenging the accusations of “terrorism” and “terrorists” levelled by the US, NATO, and Israel, as well as the ideological construct that equates any criticism of the state of Israel with anti-Semitism.
In addition to the Palestinian territories, Israel occupies parts of Lebanon and Syria. Among other things, this gives it control over a significant proportion of the region’s water resources, which it exploits for its own benefit.
Its aim is to impose a broader plan on the region, either through economic agreements such as the “Abraham Accords” or through military aggression, in order to establish Israel as a key power throughout the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East, in line with the objectives of the Israeli bourgeoisie and the interests of the USA. This goal is linked to the creation of the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), which will reach Greece and Europe through Israeli ports, facilitating the US in fully aligning India in its competition with China and Iran.
Other regional powers (Iran, Turkey), presenting themselves under the guise of
“protecting” the Palestinian people, pursue their own agendas, including claims over a share of the pie of transport routes for commodities and energy from Asia to Europe.
Similar interests of capital also underlie the stance of other bourgeois classes in the region (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Qatar, etc.).
The competition between these forces has led to military clashes between Israel and Iran–Yemen, the Israeli invasion and occupation of Lebanese territory and the overthrow of the Assad regime in Syria by jihadist forces trained and armed by Turkey. The Kurdish issue has also been drawn into these developments, with both Israel and Turkey seeking to exploit it to serve their own objectives. Turkey is reinforcing its presence in Syria and continuing the aggressive actions of its bourgeoisie under the banner of “neo-Ottomanism”.
The US continues to exert strong influence, supporting Israel and the Gulf monarchies in addressing both the Israel–Turkey conflict in Syria and the issue of Iran’s nuclear programme, while also instrumentalizing the Kurdish issue to serve its own goals.
All these facts demonstrate that the region remains mired in imperialist rivalries and that conditions are being created for a further escalation of the war in the Middle East and beyond. This was the direction taken by Israel’s planned air and missile attack against Iran on 13 June 2025, followed by the US, which on 22 June 2025 employed heavy bombers and high-yield bombs against Iran under the pretext of its nuclear programme, but in reality aiming to advance the “New Middle East” plan and assert tight control of the wider region.
6. Other significant hotspots of conflict and tension today
The focus of US competition with China is shifting towards the Indo–Pacific region, the South China Sea —an important shipping artery through which one-third of maritime transport passes— and the Taiwan Strait, which are major sources of tension.
Other areas of tension include the Panama and Greenland sea routes and the Arctic.
The conflict between Pakistan and India, both of which possess nuclear arsenals, is also gaining new dimensions.
Relatively close to our country, two armed civil conflicts are raging in Libya and Sudan. These conflicts have claimed tens of thousands of lives and made life unimaginably difficult for millions more. These conflicts involve the bourgeois classes of neighbouring and nearby capitalist countries as well as more powerful imperialist forces. Here too, the issue is the division of mineral wealth (e.g. oil, uranium, gold), transport routes for commodities (e.g. ports) and military footholds (e.g. foreign military bases), while in Sudan’s case, control of the waters of the Nile is also a powerful factor.
As demonstrated by Trump’s actions against Canada, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela, no region is immune to fierce competition. Venezuela is advancing its territorial claims against Guyana over the oil-producing region of Essequibo.
Furthermore, the contradictions between the bourgeois classes in the Balkans and the Caucasus are intensifying due to the involvement of more powerful imperialist states, which could lead to bloodshed among the peoples.
7. Strategic directions of NATO and the EU
NATO’s strategy reflects the intensification of competition between the USA and China, and between the USA and Russia, as well as the demands of the war in Ukraine. The NATO Strategic Concept 2030 is being implemented, combat-ready multinational military units are being established, its conventional and nuclear arsenal is being modernized, and its actions are reoriented towards the formation of a “global NATO” capable of intervening across the globe. Relations with Japan, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and India are being strengthened. The Southeast Wing (Mediterranean, Middle East, North Africa, etc.) is being reinforced and “partnerships” with states in these regions are expanding, while the mobility of NATO forces and weapons to war or potential war fronts is being enhanced. Key elements include:
• NATO enlargement (North Macedonia, Finland and Sweden have already joined), political and military support for Ukraine, and the struggle for the accession of Georgia and Moldova;
• Increase in military spending (to 3% and then 5% of member states’ GDP) and acceleration of military production, enhancing interoperability and securing critical supply chains;
• Modernization of nuclear infrastructure within the framework of the “first nuclear strike” doctrine.
In order to serve the needs and interests of European monopolies in international capitalist competition, and to enhance its position in the imperialist system, the EU cooperates with NATO and the USA. However, it also engages in imperialist wars and interventions independently. Based on the “Common Foreign and Security Policy” (CFSP) and the “Common Security and Defence Policy” (CSDP), it is proceeding with the establishment of military and non-military missions and operations in many areas of the globe. Amid a climate of internal contradictions, the foundations are being laid for so-called Strategic Autonomy, adding new weapons to the EU’s arsenal.
A key feature of this period is the shift of the European capitalist economy towards war and the war economy, and, within this framework, the strengthening of the war industry. A decisive factor is the shift in EU subsidies from “green growth” to the war industry, a shift that reflects both the limits of “green growth” as an outlet for over-accumulated capital and the preparation for impending military engagement. It should be noted that this shift does not mean abandoning the “green growth” policy, but rather a readjustment of subsidies and investments for the coming period. Within the context of war economy and military preparation, the so-called White Paper is being implemented, which includes the EU’s Safe Regulation, providing €150 billion in loans for the benefit of the war industry in member states and third countries, creating a new field of competition that also affects relations between Greece, Cyprus and Turkey.
8. The stance of the international communist movement on imperialist wars
The imperialist war in Ukraine has caused new ideological and political divisions and deepened existing ones. Communist parties, which previously identified imperialism solely with the aggressive foreign policy of the USA and certain powerful capitalist states in Europe and glossed over the role of other capitalist states, now see Russia, China and Iran as supposed “anti-imperialist forces” or even an imaginary “anti-imperialist axis”.
Such forces, arbitrarily and unscientifically, overlook inter-imperialist contradictions and corresponding competition, which are the root cause of imperialist wars, and believe that sooner or later a “just”, “peaceful” and “multipolar world” will gradually take shape. Some of them support China, Russia or the European Union, considering these forces to be “new poles” and “formidable adversaries” of the USA, equating the aspirations of the bourgeois classes of these states or unions with the interests of the working class and popular strata in their countries.
Two issues are of great importance:
a) The character of China: Communist parties that do not recognize its capitalist nature —due to the extensive state sector in its economy and the title of the ruling party— view China’s rivalry with the USA for supremacy in the international capitalist system as a struggle between “socialism and capitalism”.
b) Parties whose strategy is based on the notion of stages in the revolutionary process, which posits a supposed pro-people stage before socialism, treat fascism as a “deviation from bourgeois democracy” rather than as a product of capitalism, and are prone to “anti-fascist” rhetoric, which translates into notions of “anti-fascist fronts”, “anti-fascist war” utilized by bourgeois forces and governments to promote their anti-popular objectives, political alliances, and even military operations. Maintaining the strategy of stages leads these parties to consider a series of bourgeois (social democratic) governments as “anti-imperialist” and “progressive”.
The imperialist war in Ukraine has affected the international forms of cooperation in which our Party participates. The International Communist Review (ICR) had to undergo a period of restructuring, while the European Communist Initiative (ECI), which was dissolved, was replaced by the European Communist Action (ECA). The ideological–political conflict intensified in the context of the International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWPs), held in Havana (2022) and Izmir (2023), as reflected in the positions of the Communist Parties and the different resolutions they tabled and adopted.
The situation of the IMCWPs is very problematic; issues of joint action and solidarity have significantly weakened, with characteristic cases including those surrounding the Communist Party of Venezuela and solidarity with the peoples of the Middle East. A situation is emerging that threatens their continued existence, while various forms (“platforms” and “forums”) whitewash imperialist plans and attempt to drag the communist movement into the service of the imperialist Eurasian axis under formation, following the example of the Party of the European Left (PEL), which supports the imperialist EU.
In this difficult and complex situation, our Party supports the Communist Parties with which it cooperates and disseminates its positions on imperialist war and other crucial issues. This aims to initiate discussions within the Communist Parties and Communist Youth Organizations.
In addition to the parties with which we cooperate closely, we maintain good relations with Communist parties on all continents which follow our elaborations and positively evaluate the activity of the KKE.
We believe that it is necessary to:
- Strengthen our internationalist solidarity against imperialist aggression, repression, and anti-communism, with methodical support for initiatives and workers’–people’s struggles to address the challenges faced by the Communist Parties, trade unions, and workers’–people’s forces.
- Safeguard and strengthen cooperation with the Communist Parties of the ECA and the ICR. Develop a plan to foster joint action and promote cooperation with Communist Parties and communist forces that follow the activity of the KKE and KNE and are concerned about the situation in the communist movement.
- Defend, as far as possible, any communist characteristics in the IMCWPs, preparing for all eventualities.
In particular, we seek joint action and cooperation with Communist Parties and communist forces that meet the following criteria:
a) Defend Marxism–Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and recognize the need to form a communist pole at an international level.
b) Fight against opportunism and reformism, rejecting the centre-left or any form of bourgeois management of capitalism, participation in or support of bourgeois anti-popular governments, and any variation of the strategy of stages.
c) Defend the scientific laws of the socialist revolution, based on which they assess the course of socialist construction and seek to research and draw lessons from the problems and mistakes. Reject positions on “market socialism” or any negation of the laws of socialist construction due to national peculiarities.
d) Condemn the imperialist war and highlight the responsibilities of the bourgeois classes on both sides. Maintain a clear ideological front against erroneous views on imperialism, particularly those that detach military aggression from the economic content of imperialism. Oppose any imperialist alliance and refuse to take sides in the imperialist conflict.
e) Establish ties with the working class, are active in the trade union movement and the movement of popular sections of the middle strata, seeking to integrate the daily struggle for workers’ and people’s rights into a contemporary revolutionary strategy for workers’–people’s power.
f) Do not detach anti-war and anti-fascist struggle from the struggle against capitalism, which gives rise to war and fascism. Reject the phony “anti-fascism” and the various “anti-fascist fronts” used by bourgeois and opportunist forces to entrap the peoples in their plans.
The Party organizations of the KKE abroad have made a significant contribution to supporting and advancing the KKE’s policy in their countries of residence, and today they can contribute even more effectively to the development of the communist and labour movement. The objective basis for such a political orientation is that KKE and KNE members abroad encounter the same or similar challenges as other workers’–people’s forces in the countries where they live, work and study.
