22nd Congress of the KKE:POLITICAL RESOLUTION

From 29 to 31 January 2026, the 22^nd Congress of the KKE was held at the headquarters of the Party’s Central Committee. The 22^nd Congress approved the texts of the Theses of the Central Committee, taking into account the discussion and their adoption by the General Assemblies of the PBOs and the Conferences. It also approved the Central Committee’s Report to the 22^nd Congress, as well as the Report of the Central Audit Committee. In addition, it adopted a Political Resolution outlining the Party’s tasks until the 23^rd Congress.

Through the Political Resolution of the 22^nd Congress, we affirm our determination to take decisive steps towards aligning the Party’s daily functioning and activity with its revolutionary Programme and Statutes, so that the KKE may become “powerful, steadfast in every trial, ready to answer history’s call for socialism”.

Today, we are in a position to become more capable in the revolutionary work of preparing and educating forces within the class struggle waged by the working class and the people; in building the social alliance; in deepening its anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly orientation; and in disseminating the Party’s Programme. We must also become more effective in reaching politically more distant masses —a connection that must acquire firm ideological and political characteristics and be reflected in the building of the Party and KNE, by strengthening the communist characteristics of our forces.

At the same time, we are fully aware that the years ahead will bring developments with a catalytic impact on consciousness. We will also witness rapid changes —periods that may be equivalent to years of our previous, ordinary life. The intensification of contradictions may lead to destabilization, even a shake-up of bourgeois power, the emergence of large-scale mass movements, uprisings, and possibly conditions of a revolutionary situation. At the same time, there may be attempts by bourgeois power to strike at the movement, a possible new retreat of the labour movement, as well as opportunities for a “storming of heaven”. It is our duty to recognize the dynamic elements within these developments, and not to be “blinded” by the temporary unfavourable correlation of forces which, however difficult it may appear, is neither fixed nor unchangeable.

We have confidence in the victory of the working class and our people. We shall succeed, armed with the strategy set forth by our Party and the strength of our Organization.

On imperialist competition and imperialist war

The principal factor fuelling and intensifying imperialist competition and conflicts at the international level is the decline of US economic power alongside China’s rise, as well as the growing contradictions both among NATO and EU member states and within them. Opposing the Euro-Atlantic alliance as it has developed to date is the Eurasian alliance under formation, with China —poised to assume the leading position in the international capitalist economy— and Russia —which remains the second most powerful military force— as its main pillars. Other emerging capitalist states, such as India or Turkey, are manoeuvring between the two imperialist blocs.

For the first time since the imperialist Second World War, we find ourselves so close to an imperialist Third World War. The intensive preparations undertaken by the imperialist powers and the rival imperialist camps are comparable to those of the Interwar period. The precise  form and fronts that will take shape will become clearer as events unfold. The struggle to reach the summit of the imperialist pyramid is relentless. It is expressed across an ever-expanding field of confrontation: in strategically important sectors of the economy; in foreign direct investment and capital exports; in political and strategic alliances and footholds; in military equipment; in rare earths; in artificial intelligence and technological superiority more broadly; in supply chains, ports, shipbuilding, shipping, and other sectors.

NATO is preparing for a generalized war in Europe, deploying forces and reinforcing military bases along Russia’s borders, modernizing its conventional and nuclear arsenals, and supplying Ukraine with advanced equipment.

The EU is likewise strengthening its war economy and its preparations with a degree of autonomy. This process extends across all sectors and branches of the member states’ economies —with Germany and France playing a particularly prominent role— and is aimed at the “rearmament of Europe”. It is reinforcing existing funds and programmes for military purposes while creating new ones, thereby intensifying the attack on workers’ and people’s rights.

The EU, together with NATO, is implementing the “military mobility” plan —the so-called “military Schengen”— to enable the rapid development of military forces and equipment to front lines within a matter of hours. The so-called “coalition of the willing” —comprising the US, Britain, France, Poland, and the Baltic States— is preparing to deploy military forces to Ukrainian territory under the pretext of “security guarantees”. These plans, alongside the strategic manoeuvres of the US, China, and Russia, are reshaping the global landscape, fuelling intensified rivalries, undermining long-standing alliances, and heightening the risk of war escalation, including the potential use of advanced conventional missiles and nuclear weapons. The pursuit of a temporary compromise in Ukraine through US intervention and negotiations with Russia —even if achieved— would not reverse the broader trend of intensified competition. Any such compromise would inevitably be followed by a new phase of heightened imperialist competition.

The temporary ceasefire imposed in Palestine in October 2025 through US intervention perpetuates the Israeli occupation and undermines the two-state solution. The massacre of the Palestinian people continues in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the latter being transformed into a US–Israeli protectorate. The struggle for an independent Palestinian state within the borders existing prior to June 1967 continues, with East Jerusalem as its capital, ensuring territorial integrity, free from occupying forces, settlements, and settlers, alongside the release of political prisoners and the return of refugees.

Contradictions emerge within every imperialist alliance, driven by the anarchy of production, uneven capitalist development, and unequal relations among capitalist states. The intensification of inter-imperialist contradictions may widen existing cracks within the “Euro-Atlantic axis” in the coming years. Significant differences are already emerging over positions on the war in Ukraine, trade tariffs, the “green” transition, and relations with Russia.

These differences are also reflected in the new US National Security Strategy —particularly regarding commitments to military and political cooperation, the management of migration, and related issues— as well as in statements concerning the future of Greenland. Similarly, within Russia’s bourgeois forces, a division is emerging between those seeking a temporary compromise with the US and those aiming to strengthen and deepen the capitalist state’s relations with other states in the Eurasian bloc under formation. In any case, compromises are temporary, whereas rivalries remain permanent in the international imperialist system.

Alliances may shift and be realigned, but the decisive factor determining their class character —and thus the essence of the Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian alliances— is the economic foundation of the capitalist states that comprise them, namely the dominance of monopolies and their interests. Consequently, the dilemma of choosing between the “Euro-Atlantic or Eurasian camp” is a false one; it runs counter to the interests of the working class and the peoples, undermining their independent ideological–political struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of socialism–communism.

Contemporary capitalist Russia is a product of the counter-revolution: a powerful capitalist state, the world’s second military power, pursuing its own agenda. It serves as a vehicle for anti-communism and anti-Sovietism, distorting socialism and appropriating the achievements of the October Socialist Revolution, as well as the decisive role of the Soviet Union in the Anti-Fascist Victory of the Peoples during the imperialist Second World War. In doing so, it seeks to manipulate not only the people of Russia but also Communist Parties and other states.

China today stands as an example of capitalist restoration led by a “Communist” Party, which exercises capitalist power through the well-known model of “mixed economy”, that is, a combination of capitalist development with expanded state ownership. This has in no way reduced social inequality or class exploitation, as is the case across the capitalist world. Other defining features of capitalist development in China include the enormous profits of monopoly giants, the export of capital, and the expansion of its capitalist economic groups throughout Asia, Africa, Latin America, and globally.

It is imperative to intensify the ideological and political struggle against the objectives of the US, NATO, and the EU, while at the same time strengthening the front against the arguments advanced by the opposing side in the imperialist war and the forces that represent them, so that the workers’–people’s movement does not become subordinate to the plans of other capitalist powers.

At the same time, the revolutionary movement has a duty to exploit the contradictions among capitalist states and their various alliances, to create ruptures and widen existing ones in the interests of the workers’–people’s struggle and of the struggle to overthrow capitalism and build socialism, while maintaining its revolutionary independence.

The situation in our wider region and the stance of the Greek bourgeois class

The New Democracy government, with the support of PASOK, SYRIZA, and other bourgeois parties, is following in the footsteps of its predecessors by deepening Greece’s involvement in imperialist wars and in the plans of the US, NATO, and the EU. Its aim is to strengthen the position of the bourgeoisie by turning the country into an energy and transport hub, while seeking a larger share of the spoils of imperialist wars and interventions.

This dangerous policy of involvement is being pursued by transforming the entire country into a NATO launching pad for war, making use of US bases, supporting the Zelenskyy regime and supplying weapons to Ukraine, and pursuing strategic relations with the state of Israel.

Through “Agenda 2030”, the restructuring and development plan for the Greek armed forces, alongside the procurement of modern military equipment, serves NATO’s requirements rather than the defence of the country’s territorial integrity and borders. Units of the Greek armed forces are being deployed on imperialist missions abroad, including in the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the Balkans. Plans are also under way to send Greek troops to the Gaza Strip, while the Greek Ministry of Defence has adopted a particularly alarming stance by urging the people to become accustomed to the “flag-draped coffins of soldiers returning home”.

In practice, it has been demonstrated that involvement in the plans of the US, NATO, the EU, and Israel not only fails to guarantee the security of the people, but also turns the country into a target for retaliation and has triggered developments that undermine sovereign rights.

This is reflected in the course of Greek–Turkish relations: claims over islands and islets, and violations of the Treaty of Lausanne by NATO-member Turkey, are presented as faits accomplis and are multiplying within the framework of doctrines such as the “Blue Homeland”, the “Grey Zones”, and the “Turkish–Libyan Pact”, among other strategic choices. These developments challenge Greece’s sovereign rights.

The negotiations initiated under US supervision, within the framework of the decisions of the 2023 NATO Summit, aim to strengthen NATO’s south-eastern flank, promote the joint management and exploitation of mineral resources in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, and weaken Russian–Turkish relations.

The “calm waters” theory, supported by the government and, in various ways, by the other bourgeois parties, has proved unfounded. This period has instead been used to advance new claims and consolidate further faits accomplis, as illustrated by the Turkish state’s intervention in the Greece–Cyprus–Israel electricity interconnection project, in the Maritime Spatial Planning in the Aegean, and in the Environmental Park initiatives.

The dangerous consequences of involvement in imperialist plans are also evident in developments concerning the Cyprus issue, effectively undermining bourgeois arguments that participation in imperialist alliances and bargaining acts as a shield against external threats. In Cyprus —an EU member state hosting British and NATO bases and maintaining strategic alliances with the US and NATO— 37% of the island has remained under occupation for over 51 years, while partition plans continue to be advanced, whether in the form of a “two-state” solution supported by the Turkish state, or as “two constituent states” presented as a compromise proposal.

The KKE’s internationalist stance

The KKE has strongly condemned the military attack launched by the US in early January 2026 against Venezuela and its people. Months earlier, it had already denounced the military build-up and acts of aggression directed against the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean. It expressed its solidarity with the people of Venezuela, who alone have the right to determine developments in their country, as well as with the Communist Party of Venezuela, which is operating under extremely difficult conditions. 

The KKE rejects the imperialists’ flimsy pretexts and exposes the imperialist character of the US intervention, which seeks to plunder the country’s energy resources and align the region with its economic and geopolitical interests, in opposition to its rivals, China and Russia.

The KKE has also denounced the despicable and cynical stance of the Greek government, which, acting as a guardian of US imperialism, fully endorses all US pretexts and goes so far as to consciously turn a blind eye to violations even of this tattered “international law”, to which it otherwise claims to uphold. In doing so, it simultaneously provides grounds for the unacceptable claims of the Turkish bourgeoisie in Cyprus, the Aegean, and the Eastern Mediterranean.

The KKE will continue its struggle against the renewed threats of US imperialism directed at Cuba, Greenland, Colombia, Venezuela, Iran, and other countries. It expresses its deep internationalist solidarity with the Cuban people and the Communist Party of Cuba, as well as with all peoples.

The KKE has consistently stood by the Palestinian people, condemning their occupation and genocide by the murderous state of Israel, with the support of the US, NATO, and the EU. It has, as a matter of principle, expressed its unequivocal internationalist solidarity from the very first day of the latest escalation of Israeli brutality and genocide in the Gaza Strip, under the pretext of the Hamas attack in October 2023. It has resolutely denounced attempts to slander the Palestinian struggle and efforts to equate perpetrator and victim —positions advanced by  the New Democracy government and the other bourgeois parties, which aligned themselves with Israel and the war criminal Netanyahu, promoting fabrications about the occupier’s right to “self-defence”.

Our Party has revealed that the broader objective of Israel and the US is the creation of the economic and geopolitical space described as the “New Middle East”, through Israel’s agreements with several Arab states (the Abraham Accords) and the implementation of the IMEC (India–Middle East–Europe Corridor), in opposition to China’s “Belt and Road Initiative” and Iran’s plans.

Our Party promptly highlighted the imperialist character of the war in Ukraine on both sides. It has stressed that the people of Ukraine are paying the price for the rivalries and interventions of NATO and the EU, which support the Zelenskyy government on the one hand, and capitalist Russia on the other. It has also highlighted the responsibilities of the bourgeois classes of all the forces involved, rejecting their pretexts and countering the anti-communist and anti-Soviet distortion of history to which both sides resort. It has emphasized the necessity of a common struggle by the peoples and has opposed Greece’s multifaceted involvement in the war, under the responsibility of the New Democracy government and all Euro-Atlantic parties.

The KKE maintains that developments in Cyprus underscore the need to strengthen the people’s struggle for an independent and united Cyprus —that is, a single state, not two, with one sovereignty, one citizenship and international personality, a common homeland for Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, free of occupying and all forms of foreign troops and bases, free from guarantors and protectors, with the people as masters in their own land.

Under these conditions, the KKE is intensifying its efforts to develop friendship and common struggle among the Greek, Cypriot, and Turkish peoples, as well as the peoples of the wider region, against the bourgeois classes and their interests, against the anti-popular policies of bourgeois states and governments, and against their imperialist alliances.

The KKE will continue to do everything in its power to support the initiatives and mobilizations of trade unions, unions of the self-employed, the Federation of Women of Greece (OGE), the Greek Committee for International Détente and Peace (EEDYE), university student unions, and other mass organizations of the popular movement. These efforts are directed against imperialist wars, for the country’s disengagement, the closure of US and NATO bases, the return of Greek armed forces from imperialist missions abroad, and in support of the heroic struggle of the Palestinian people.  It will also continue to support decisions by trade unions and other popular organizations to block NATO forces and cargoes of death passing through Greek ports, as has been done in the previous period (including by COSCO dockworkers and in Thessaloniki, Alexandroupolis, Tyrnavos, and elsewhere.)

It will continue to systematically support the internationalist activity of the World Peace Council (WPC).

Moreover, within the labour and popular movement, and drawing on accumulated experience, the KKE is escalating the struggle against the transport of military equipment to war fronts. It is focusing on US–NATO bases and infrastructure, aiming to shut down these launching pads of war and calling on the people to oppose the dangerous new plans being promoted by the government, with the support of the other parties, within the framework of the “strategic dialogue” with the US and the renewal of the military agreement for the maintenance and expansion of US bases.

The KKE firmly supports conscripts and officers who oppose anti-popular policies and imperialist plans, and who assert their rights both within military camps and on the streets of struggle alongside the rest of the people and the youth. It places particular emphasis on the importance of mass mobilizations by active-duty and retired military personnel opposing the unacceptable government law that undermines the rights of officers and non-commissioned officers and imposes NATO standards on the armed forces. It further strengthens the solidarity movement with conscripts who refuse to serve the plans of NATO and the bourgeoisie.

The Party’s Programme clearly defines our position on imperialist war and its line of action. We will not march under a foreign flag; the Party will lead the workers’–people’s struggle in all its forms, so that the people, united in a workers’–people’s front, may secure freedom and a way out of the capitalist system, which, so long as it prevails, gives rise to war and to “peace with a gun to the people’s head”. This programmatic orientation places significant demands on the Party, requiring a continuous elevation of its ideological and political capacity in order to fulfil its revolutionary role under all conditions. It calls for decisive and well-founded intervention in the ideological–political struggle that is unfolding and will intensify in the coming period.

The working class and its allied popular forces have no interest in aligning themselves with one imperialist camp or another, nor  in choosing between one camp of thieves and another. The central task for the working class in our country, as well as for the other allied popular strata, is not to be ensnared by various pretexts and illusions associated with the imperialist camp, namely the EU–NATO camp in which the Greek bourgeois state participates. Rather, it is to break free from imperialist plans, to foster scepticism and distrust towards the bourgeois government and the state, and to struggle for disengagement from NATO, the EU, and all imperialist alliances. This understanding must be advanced not only through ideological and political debate, but also through active intervention in the workers’ and popular movement, reinforcing the recognition that there are no shared national interests between workers and capitalists, including in times of war.

The imperialist war in Ukraine has brought about new rifts within the chronic and profound ideological, political, and organizational crisis of the International Communist Movement (ICM). This issue is of paramount importance for the course of the class struggle, whose international dimension is decisive.

The struggle within the ICM today is not waged solely against parties that have undergone mutation or have continued the tradition of Eurocommunism, nor only against those that persist in the bankrupt strategy of transitional stages, the erroneous policy that detaches imperialism from the monopolies that constitute its economic foundation, or the failed line of cooperation with social democracy, the parliamentary path, and so forth.

The imperialist war in Ukraine, together with the intensification of competition and  the open challenge to US supremacy and the role of the “Euro-Atlantic camp,” have given rise to new ideological and political divisions and deepened existing ones. Communist parties that previously equated imperialism exclusively with the aggressive foreign policy of the US and certain powerful European capitalist states  —while downplaying the role of other capitalist countries— now perceive Russia, China, or Iran as so-called “anti-imperialist forces” or even as part of an imagined “anti-imperialist axis”, thereby obscuring their deeply reactionary and exploitative character. In a simplistic and anti-dialectical manner, they overlook inter-imperialist contradictions and competition —the root cause of imperialist wars— and maintain that a “just”, “peaceful”, “multipolar world” is emerging. Some Communist Parties support China, Russia, or the European Union, regarding these powers as a “counterweight” or “balance” to the US. In doing so, they conflate the interests of the working class and the popular strata in their countries with the aspirations of the bourgeois classes of these states or unions. They elevate individual, necessary compromises and manoeuvres into an ideology, granting them a programmatic character. In any case, the unfavourable international correlation of forces encourages the search for support or a “foothold” within this very framework. The correct Leninist position on exploiting inter-imperialist contradictions in the interests of the revolutionary workers’ movement and socialist power is thus distorted.

The ideological struggle also encompasses parties with which the KKE had previously maintained relatively sound relations, despite ideological and political differences, but which have since abandoned fundamental communist principles, supported the Russian bourgeoisie in the imperialist war, aligned themselves with the Eurasian camp, embraced capitalism in China, and fostered scepticism regarding the scientific laws of socialist construction. Such forces are rallying around the “Anti-Fascist Forum” or the so-called “World Anti-Imperialist Platform”, which —among other things— also carries out an anti-KKE mission.

This situation has arisen at a time when developments have underscored the necessity of a revolutionary regroupment of the communist movement. This objective is upheld by the KKE and the Communist Parties with which it cooperates within the framework of the European Communist Action (ECA) and the International Communist Review (ICR), as well as by dozens of other communist parties across the globe.

This adverse situation has had a catalytic effect on the International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP), which were initiated by the KKE but have gradually exhausted their initial momentum and significance. They have turned into a arena of intense yet unproductive confrontation, thereby perpetuating the crisis of the communist movement. At the same time, serious and persistent operational problems have emerged, primarily of an ideological and political character, particularly since the outbreak of the imperialist war in Ukraine.

Thus, irrespective of declarations and stated positions, the course of the  International Communist Movement will ultimately be determined by the policies and actions of the Communist Parties themselves; by their capacity, at critical moments, to act in accordance with their revolutionary declarations, to overcome erroneous or outdated conceptions and positions, and to respond effectively to the revolutionary tasks of the period.

Through such shocks and processes, the “new” will emerge within the International Communist Movement.

In this effort, we seek, in particular, joint action and cooperation with Communist Parties and communist forces that meet the following criteria:

1. a) They uphold Marxism–Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and recognize the necessity of forming a communist pole internationally.
2. b) They oppose opportunism and reformism; they reject centre-left, social-democratic management or any form of bourgeois management, participation in or support for bourgeois governments, and all variants of the strategy of stages.
3. c) They defend the scientific laws of socialist revolution. They employ these in assessing the course of socialist construction, endeavour to investigate and draw lessons from its problems and mistakes, and reject positions advocating “market socialism” or denying the scientific laws of socialist construction on the basis of national particularities.
4. d) They condemn imperialist war and highlight the responsibilities of the bourgeois classes on both sides. They ideologically oppose erroneous conceptions of imperialism —particularly those that detach its military aggression from its economic basis— and reject any imperialist alliance. They refuse to take sides in imperialist conflicts.
5. e) They cultivate strong links with the working class, strive for active participation in the trade union movement and in the movements of the popular sectors of the urban and rural middle strata, and seek to integrate the day-to-day struggle for workers’ and people’s rights into a contemporary revolutionary strategy for workers’ power.
6. f) They do not separate the struggle against war and fascism from the struggle against capitalism, which gives rise to them. They reject spurious “anti-fascism” and the various “anti-fascist fronts” employed by bourgeois and opportunist forces to entrap people within their plans. They engage in an ideological and political struggle against anti-communism and the suppression of workers’ and popular struggles.

The KKE, faithful to the principle of proletarian internationalism and mindful of the international character of the class struggle, as well as the necessity for a unified revolutionary strategy of the communist movement, strives towards the formation of a Marxist–Leninist Pole and the revolutionary regroupment of the European and international communist movement.

The domestic economy is currently experiencing growth. However, although GDP has been increasing and the unemployment rate declining over the past four years, GDP remains below its 2008 level, just as total employment remains comparatively lower. At the same time, capitalist growth remains relatively fragile in the medium to long term, as the domestic economy is closely tied to those of the EU member states. A new recession within the EU is therefore expected to have adverse effects on the domestic capitalist economy, with the attendant risk of a renewed capitalist economic crisis of capital over-accumulation.

Official forecasts under the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework for 2026–2029 point to a slowdown in the growth rate of the Greek economy over the coming four years.

The objectives of government policy —improving the investment climate, the early repayment of public debt, and support for investment in the war economy— will result in an intensification of the assault on workers’ rights and incomes. They will further deteriorate the position of workers and pensioners in order to strengthen the competitiveness of capital, through heightened exploitation and the expansion of flexible labour relations, new reductions in state social policy and social security rights, the transfer of public assets for profit-driven investments, the “streamlining” of licensing procedures through the removal of environmental protections, and the continuation of policies based on heavy indirect taxation, among other measures.

The attack on workers’ incomes, living conditions as a whole, and trade union rights constitutes the only  way out for capital’s strategy in the years ahead, as pressures from international competition intensify.

These are the objectives of the strategy pursued by capital and the EU, and they are endorsed by all parties of the present systemic opposition.

The recent period has once again dispelled the myth of capitalist “growth for all”, which purportedly benefits both the perpetrators and the victims of capitalist exploitation. It has once more been demonstrated that all forms of bourgeois management —whether expansionary or contractionary policies, rising or falling interest rates, and so forth— consistently serve the interests of capital while imposing new burdens upon the people. A range of indicators, including purchasing power, over-indebtedness, housing costs, and energy poverty, point to a trend of continued deterioration in people’s living standards.

The government highlights increases in nominal wages, while obscuring the decline in real wages due to inflation, rising food prices, and energy costs, all the while maintaining heavy taxation on wage earners and the self-employed. Total revenue from VAT —the principal regressive indirect tax— has surged by more than 65% from 2019 to the present.

In the recent period, the primary direction of private investment has remained concentrated in tourism, the buying and selling of land and housing, the acquisition of existing businesses, and “green” energy investments (renewable energy sources), thereby exacerbating uneven development and its adverse consequences.

The shift towards a war economy does not concern only new investments and increased production in the armaments industry (weapons, ammunition, electronic warfare) and the broader range of businesses producing related goods (for example, logistical supplies). More fundamentally, it involves the country’s deeper entanglement in the EU–Russia energy and trade war, as well as, more broadly, the subordination of numerous sectors to the objectives and projects of military preparedness, with an increased likelihood of the co-option of workers within these enterprises.

In this context, the following objectives stand out, though their implementation is, of course, shaped by the framework of contradictions and competition:

• Plans to transform the country into an energy hub for the distribution of US liquefied natural gas (LNG) across Europe, alongside the development of energy corridors from the Eastern Mediterranean to the EU.
• The initiation of exploration for domestic energy reserves with the participation of major US corporations.
• The upgrading of port infrastructure and multimodal transport, and the intensification of competition over control of domestic ports (for example, Thessaloniki, Piraeus, Elefsina, Volos, and Alexandroupolis).
• The construction of costly dual-use infrastructure (serving both civilian and military purposes) as part of preparations for military mobilization (for example, roads, tunnels, and bridges built to the requisite specifications).
• Agreements enabling domestic business groups to participate in reconstruction projects in war-affected regions of Ukraine and the Middle East (for example, new power plants and projects aimed at stabilizing Ukraine’s energy grid).

In the face of these preparations for war, ideological and political propaganda is intensifying, invoking the “psychological preparation” of the people —indeed, of all the peoples of Europe— with the underlying aim of intimidating them, encouraging acquiescence, and securing their support for the bourgeoisie’s   plans.

The advancement of these objectives, with the backing of all parties within the system, translates into substantial profits for domestic energy, construction, and banking groups, as well as shipowners, while the people face intensified exploitation, reductions in essential social policy expenditures, and increased repression.

It is with this same anti-popular orientation that the digital transformation of the economy and the state, as well as applications of artificial intelligence, are currently being developed and exploited. The digital bourgeois state can operate more effectively in the interests of capital, facilitating the promotion of reactionary changes (for example, digital profiling of citizens and taxation systems).

New technologies, and particularly artificial intelligence, are exploited by the power of capital, both internationally and in Greece, as instruments for increasing exploitation and for the control, manipulation, and repression of the people. Capitalism exploits cutting-edge technologies in its pursuit of the full subordination of labour to the objectives of capital. It negates the potential created by the development of the productive forces to reduce working hours and enhance the quality of non-working time across all aspects of social life, thereby widening the gap between the potential and the actual satisfaction of social needs.

Against the backdrop of these developments, the trend toward the expansion of large business groups and, more generally, the concentration and centralization of capital is gaining momentum.

The trend toward the expansion of the tourism sector and the shift towards military preparedness are fuelling a series of intra-bourgeois rivalries, which are also reflected in contradictions within the bourgeois political system.

The process of restructuring the bourgeois political system

The processes unfolding against the backdrop of intensifying inter-imperialist contradictions, military preparations, and growing popular discontent, together with intra-bourgeois contradictions over the so-called productive model, the distribution of EU and state funds, and the prioritization of subsidies, also permeate the restructuring of the bourgeois political system. Such processes are manifested among various sections of capital, which are either already expressing themselves or seeking political expression. Sections of capital consider themselves “sidelined” by the priorities of the Mitsotakis government, arguing that a different orientation is required both in the prioritization of support for sectors of the capitalist economy and in the foreign policy of the capitalist state, including its relations, for example, with Russia or other capitalist states. Contradictions also emerge in the handling of so-called national issues, such as Greek–Turkish relations or the Cyprus question.

Tendencies challenging the government are emerging within the New Democracy party and are directed primarily against its current leadership. The current situation within other bourgeois parties also contributes, for the time being, to the cohesion of ND, since no party or coalition of parties appears capable of challenging the perpetuation of bourgeois alternation in government, a fact which adds to the complexity of the bourgeois political system.

Within this context of restoring the possibility of bourgeois alternation in government, and with the aim of containing widespread popular discontent, “new” potential solutions are being tested, such as Tsipras’s return and the intention to create a new political formation through declarations that have abandoned even the supposedly progressive slogans of SYRIZA —and ANEL— which fostered illusions about a pro-people management of capitalism that were, of course, subsequently disproved.

At the same time, other processes and prospects are also being explored, such as  Karistianou’s party, which enjoys the support of certain media groups, bourgeois politicians, and various individuals dissatisfied with the bourgeois parties from which they originate. The fluctuating polling figures for Z. Konstantopoulou’s “Course of Freedom” party also fit into this context.

Meanwhile, efforts are being made to channel objectively growing dissatisfaction towards bourgeois political forces that differ from the government on certain aspects of its policy, using their populism to influence specific segments of social forces, such as, for example, the “Greek Solution” party led by K. Velopoulos.

The intensification of inter-imperialist contradictions and the possibility of a broader imperialist war will also have a decisive impact on the bourgeois political system. A constant feature of war preparations in capitalist states is, alongside co-option, the repression of the “internal class enemy”, which means that far-right or fascist political forces will become increasingly useful to the system. Speaking in the name of “national unity” and the “common national interest”, they will turn against the class struggle and seek to subordinate workers’–peoples’ forces to the plans of capitalist power.

From the standpoint of the bourgeoisie, attention is focused on the future, on the possibility of a mass challenge to the current political system, which includes all the parties that have governed, such as New Democracy, PASOK, SYRIZA, as well as the various factions that have emerged from their successive splits.

These developments confirm our position on the role of Local and Regional Administration as part of the state apparatus and an active agent in the implementation of bourgeois planning, and simultaneously as a mechanism for co-opting workers’–peoples’ forces and defusing popular discontent. Local and Regional Administration are integrated into the overall war preparations of the bourgeois state.

There are specific demands in the six municipalities where we have taken over administration, in the Regions more generally, and in the many municipalities where we have secured high vote shares. Overall, the Party organs must systematically support the organizational and ideological–political work of the Party Groups in the Municipalities and Regions, and be more demanding in order to better intervene within their sphere of responsibility, particularly in work aimed at strengthening and expanding ties and contact with mass organisations, neighbourhood movements, and so forth.

The Party must remain vigilant and prepared, using its intervention to thwart attempts to manipulate justified popular discontent, closely monitoring developments and the ways in which they will shape the process of restructuring the bourgeois political system, so as to successfully expose in a timely manner all attempts to “patch it up” with “old” and “new” materials. The Party must influence the radicalization of workers’–peoples’ consciousness, which in recent years has begun to shift to some extent, challenging dominant policies, by participating in struggles, trade unions and organizations, in order to shift the balance of forces in favour of class forces from below, looking to the KKE.

This is the moment to intensify the ideological and political offensive and promote the KKE’s position, which is the only one that truly serves the interests of the working class and the popular strata, advocating non-participation in, support for, or tolerance of bourgeois governments, whatever guise they may take and whatever developments may arise.

Our ability to intensify our intervention also concerns developments within the bourgeois justice system under conditions of war preparations, where reactionary changes and measures are being rapidly promoted: on the one hand intensifying repression and, on the other supporting new investment plans in line with the strategy of capital and the EU. It is necessary, building on our existing elaborations, to intensify the struggle against the line of defending the “rule of law” and the “restoration of European normality”, which is promoted both by the government and the social-democratic parties and the systemic opposition more broadly. The effective organization of the struggle in this area concerns the entire labour and popular movement, not just those working in the justice sector. It concerns the orientation of the struggle against the narrative that presents EU institutions as “guarantors” against corruption and arbitrariness, as well as the effectively disruption of all attempts by the state and employers to intimidate.

Through this exposure of the true nature of bourgeois policies, we are organizing the struggle against measures that have been implemented and are being strengthened within the country and aim at intensifying surveillance, profiling and repression. We highlight the true intent of the legislation and the importance of the workers’–peoples’ movement knowing and defending its rights and freedoms,  placing obstacles in the way of intensified repression, and in practice breaking the attempts of the bourgeois state and government to intimidate.

For the interests of the working class and the people, the only way forward is the KKE’s proposal: to transform the mass popular challenge to the New Democracy government into a comprehensive challenge to the policies implemented by all governments to date, as well as to the parties that effectively support the same policies serving the capitalist system. The illusions and misconceptions that the way out for the people lies in the so-called “progressive” fronts, “democratic” or “centre-left” alliances aimed at “getting rid of Mitsotakis”, and similar initiatives —which preserve the exploitative system itself— are a waste of time for the people.

In Greece and internationally, many forms of government have been tried; there is a wealth of negative experience, and therefore workers cannot expect anything from changes of government. This experience helps explain why the KKE categorically rejects participation in, support for, or tolerance of such bourgeois governments. It is our task to constantly remind people of this experience, so that especially the younger generations who have not lived through it may become aware of it.

Only the KKE consistently stands as the distinct, separate pole —the genuine popular opposition— on the opposite side of the bourgeois political system, standing with the people and their struggles. The only way forward is to rally everywhere around the KKE —within the movement, in parliamentary and other electoral processes— in order to open a different path in favour of workers’ and people’s interests.

The Party has made progress since the 21^st Congress and over a longer period of time. These advances must be consolidated and further strengthened. In particular:

First: Continuing progress in intervention and in the capacity to lead movements. This is reflected in the organization of the anti-war struggle and intervention, in solidarity with suffering peoples, in the immediate response to the crime in Tempe from the outset to the present, in the organization of strikes in opposition to the leaderships of GSEE and ADEDY, in major fronts that have opened up such as LARCO and the Halkidiki Mines, in the struggle against foreclosures, as well as in the education and the health sectors, among others.            

Second: Strengthening our capacity to rally people on the basis of the anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly line developed within the mass movements.

Third: Strengthening our ability for direct party and mass intervention in major events throughout this period. Such developments include the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war, as well as Israel’s renewed operation to exterminate the Palestinian people in Gaza under the pretext of the Hamas attack.

Fourth: Continuing the positive steps taken in the ideological–political struggle, both in general and on specific fronts and issues. This also concerns the Party’s central interventions in the Greek Parliament and the European Parliament,  speeches by cadres,  the improvement of the editorial content of Rizospastis, as well as the development of positions on rights-based individualism approaches and gender theories, the “green” transition, artificial intelligence, the bourgeois state, imperialist war, and related issues.

Fifth: Acknowledging the significant reflection of this positive trajectory in the strengthening of our political, electoral, and trade union influence in recent years. This has also been expressed in the electoral battles we have waged in trade unions and associations across a wide range of sectors.

Sixth: Taking into account the positive activity and intervention within the International Communist Movement, despite the major difficulties it faces. The KKE’s international activity, as documented in relevant reports, memos, and articles in Rizospastis, as well as the mass struggles organized in Europe and other regions, provides valuable experience that can support the Party’s propaganda and broader educational work.

Within the context of these positive steps, we identify certain critical issues where we must move more quickly. Specifically:

• The need to move beyond superficial discussion and the superficial assimilation of key lessons from the struggles, both with regard to forms of mobilization and action, and above all with regard to their ideological and political preparation and confrontation with other political forces and groupings within the movement, the employers,  the bourgeois state, and bourgeois governments.
• The ongoing effort to elaborate a rallying line in every space —sector, labour and industrial centres, and cities— which contributes to the cultivation of anti-capitalist consciousness and the concentration of forces, on the basis of the experience and responsibility of each Regional Committee, each Sectoral Committee, and each PBO in its respective area. This involves examining: what has been achieved concretely in rallying forces within the movement; what actions have been undertaken; what tangible results have been achieved in rallying workers and liberating them from bourgeois ideology and from bourgeois and opportunist parties; and how every worker within the movement who joins forces with the Party can become a vanguard communist in their workplace and neighbourhood, thereby fully opening up discussion on the Party’s Programme. A constant objective is the formation of a nationwide movement of counterattack and struggle which, through the experience and work of communists, will direct its struggle against the system of capitalist exploitation itself.
• The effort to ensure readiness and the capacity to intervene in major events, not only centrally but also at the level of each Regional Committee and PBO. This includes how the PBO itself responds to significant developments and major events within its area of responsibility (for example, war, natural disasters, repression, etc.), as well as how the reflexes of ideological–political confrontation and support for the Party’s positions are developed within the sphere of responsibility of each Party member and each PBO.
  The effort to utilize ideological–political struggle and our analyses must be more comprehensively reflected in political guidance by the Regional Committees towards the Sectoral Committees, with the aim of their assimilation by every Party member and member of KNE. Our work must be directed towards strengthening the ideological struggle and equipping PBO cadres and members with our analyses, the necessary literature, and related materials, while consistently seeking their contribution to further analysis and enrichment through the experience gained from advancing our activity. In this direction, we must make systematic use of

• Greater attention must be given to how the rallying expressed through electoral support or in the movement’s internal elections —where thousands of trade unionists rally behind our slates— can be deepened and translated into daily action, into participation in struggles, and into vanguard and specialized work in every sector and on every popular issue. This also concerns how the discussion on the Party’s strategy, its Programme, and the path to revolution and socialism can be broadened. We must consider how many people each PBO will be able to engage in discussion on the Resolutions following the Congress. The key criterion is the breadth of audience with whom each PBO will be able to discuss the Congress Resolutions in the immediate aftermath.

Responsible information dissemination must be systematized so that the conclusions drawn from our activity within the International Communist Movement are assimilated by all Party members, PBOs, KNE members, and BOs. This is necessary in order to educate our forces on the international dimension of the class struggle, to enable them to form their own understanding of developments in Europe and the wider capitalist world, and to become active propagandists for our cause within the communist movement. We must strengthen information and discussion practices at  Party assemblies, briefings of Party cadres, and in on all these developments that are consistently examined by the Central Committee and the Political Bureau.

The critical nature of the issue we raise does not merely concern piecemeal improvements in aspects of the Party’s activities or in political guidance work of broader significance. Building on the positive steps we assess as a Party, we focus on the major shortcomings and weaknesses —not in general terms, but in relation to the central issue: aligning the Party’s day-to-day functioning and activities with its revolutionary Programme and Statutes.

This objective cannot be achieved “once and for all”, nor can it be secured through isolated measures of improvement. Such alignment is inseparably linked to the practical affirmation of the Party’s role as a conscious revolutionary vanguard, and will ultimately be judged over time by the fulfilment of its aims: the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of the socialist–communist society. It the final analysis, it will be tested in practice.

Today, we approach this issue from the standpoint of the Party’s preparation in the face of a possible new and deeper capitalist crisis and the generalization of imperialist war, resulting from the sharpening of intra-bourgeois and inter-imperialist contradictions. We examine it under conditions that foster widespread popular discontent and intensified mobilization of workers’–people’s forces. This constitutes a critical new factor that may significantly undermine the capitalist state’s capacity to manage the situation, or even create conditions for the destabilization and overthrow of capitalist power.

Progress is required towards the creative assimilation of our orientation, so that our political guidance work corresponds fully to the Party’s revolutionary character, as defined in its Programme and Statutes —an issue that must be continually reaffirmed and enriched through developments themselves and through the generalization of the experience of class struggle. The difficulties we must confront do not stem from general ideological deviations or disagreements with our Programme and strategy. Rather, they arise from a range of causes, foremost among them shortcomings in political guidance work, so that our Programme is fully absorbed and owned by all Organs and PBOs.

The ideological dimension — namely the assimilation of our Programme, our elaborations on new theoretical questions, and the history of the strategy of the International Communist Movement— constitutes the foundation for the further development of revolutionary communist theory.

All leading organs —with primary responsibility resting upon the Central Committee, through its composition, the establishments of its Sections, their functioning, and their programme of work— must contribute to ensuring, in practice and at every stage, the character of the Party as the ideological, political, and organizational vanguard of the working class in carrying out its historic mission: the socialist revolution for the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism–communism.

The ability of the PBO to operate on a daily basis with our Programme as its guiding principle —that is, on the basis of the strategic objective of concentrating forces for the revolutionary seizure of power— does not concern solely the popularization and propagation of the Party’s Programme. It also concerns the need for the Programme’s fundamental elements, namely the concentration of forces in an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly direction, the path of overthrow, revolution and socialism, to be brought into sharper focus through daily ideological–political intervention, mass activity, and struggle. This is linked to the strengthening of communist ideology, to the understanding and explanation from a class standpoint of the possibilities opened up by developments (for example, new scientific and technological achievements, but also the dangers arising from their use by capitalists driven by competition and profit). It also concerns highlighting all the conditions necessary to meet the constantly growing needs of working-class and popular families, which are obstructed by capitalist ownership of the means of production. Under capitalism, these goods and services can indeed be produced, but only with the aim of generating capitalist profit. It further concerns exposing the class factors that shape every social problem under capitalism and linking them to the existence of capitalist power, so that it becomes more widely understood why the only genuine solution lies in socialist power, and so that the conditions and prerequisites for its conquest can be grasped. What is required is not only a deeper understanding of social problems, but also education through struggle as preparation for an all-round confrontation with capitalist power, for uprising and ultimately for socialist revolution.

Above all, we must be able to deepen every aspect of our work—in the line of rallying forces, building the social alliance, conducting the ideological struggle, intensifying efforts to develop the struggles, and so forth— with ever greater rigour, beginning with the Central Committee itself and extending throughout all the Organs below.

From this standpoint, we focus our attention on certain critical issues which we regard as essential prerequisites for ensuring that the Party is practically prepared today to act under all circumstances.

Improving the Party’s role within the labour movement and the broader popular movement must go hand in hand with steps to strengthen Party building on the basis of the socio-class criteria and priorities established by the Party.

We must decisively overcome the separation between organizational strengthening goals from ideological–political strengthening. This must be reflected in the political planning of the Organizations, moving beyond a routine approach to the Party Programme and Statutes, so that the questions raised by the Programme become central to the ideological and political struggle within the PBOs.

The bonds forged through struggles and election campaigns across various trade union fronts constitute an important foundation. However, if they are to contribute meaningfully to Party building, they must be consistently and decisively linked to raising the ideological and political level of communists, as well as to broader independent ideological and political intervention within the working class and  the movement in order to promote the Party’s Programme. This effort confronts, on a daily basis, the ideological offensive of the class enemy and opportunism, the objective influence of bourgeois ideology —which dominates and is continually reproduced within capitalist relations of production— as well as carefully constructed bourgeois and opportunist propaganda, the impact of the counter-revolution and the unfavourable correlation of forces that has deep historical roots, the crisis of the International Communist Movement, and related factors.

Political guidance work must take all these elements into account and systematically plan and organize the effort required to confront them.

▶ Through the continuous elaboration of content and the meaningful integration of ideological and educational work with the daily activities of all Party Organizations and KNE, with the constant objective of expanding and strengthening the revolutionary current within the ranks of the working class and the youth.

▶ Through the daily political guidance work of the Organs, the Regional Bureaus, the Sectoral Committees, the Bureaus of the PBOs, the Party Groups, as well as the Sections of the Central Committee and the Auxiliary Committees of the Regional Party Organizations, in order to confront various misconceptions regarding the otherwise correct need for the broad dissemination of our strategic orientation in the most accessible way possible. The aim is to ensure that the popularization of our programmatic elaborations neither trivializes their scientific content nor obscures their essence.

▶ By integrating all aspects of communist educational work —such as the use and dissemination of Rizospastis, Odigitis, KOMEP, Party publications, intra-Party educational systems, and so forth—  into the unified and permanent programme of the Organizations’ daily activity.

Ideological work centred on the Programme and the Statutes in the process of Party recruitment is not a mere formal procedure. These texts constitute the foundation that explains how and why the world changes, why the working class is the sole revolutionary force, what kind of party the KKE is, and why it operates according to specific organization principles and rules of functioning. From this standpoint, substantive discussion with prospective Party members cannot be reduced to the formal checking of whether they have read and agreed with these texts. The effort of Party building must instead rest upon systematic discussion and a meaningful understanding of the Programme and the Statutes, alongside individual preparation and organized participation in activities that strengthen the conditions for the proper integration of new Party members and facilitate their fuller assimilation into Party life and action.

We must more decisively open the discussion with a broader circle, under the responsibility of the Central Committee, around the Programme, and in particular its fundamental elements: the socialist revolution, the mobilization of forces for it, socialism, and its construction. In our daily activity, we must also bring to the forefront the question of what kind of movement and social alliance, with an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly orientation, is required at a national level in order to overcome the influence of social democracy and bourgeois modernization, strengthen class-based ideological and political emancipation from the mechanisms of capitalist power, and raise awareness of both the necessity of socialist revolution and the conditions for its realization. This requires a constant and systematic effort, carried out daily and rooted in the crucial questions and accumulated experience of the class struggle.

We must approach recruitment as a “way of life” for every prospective Party member. The decision to join the Party is not made impulsively or overnight. Our approach must therefore encourage people to think more deeply about all the issues that concern them.

Recruitment and Party building constitute a continuous and demanding task. They require concentration, dedication, consistency, substantial time, systematic work around the Programme, the promotion of communist ideas and values, and the fullest possible utilization of every opportunity for our theory to reach workers, including those who may not yet stand at the forefront of the struggle today, but who may become its leading force tomorrow.

The Party’s composition from the working class itself plays a decisive and catalytic role in its resilience, its overall course, its capabilities, and its steadiness at the turning points of the class struggle. Revolutionary organization and knowledge of revolutionary theory are what cultivate a sense of mission, dedication to its fulfilment, conscious discipline, and exceptional resilience in the face of difficulties. Only the working class can display such virtues and characteristics. These are proven qualities, demonstrated repeatedly in major class struggles.

Under non-revolutionary conditions, the primary task is to build the strongest possible revolutionary vanguard, with bonds of influence and intervention reaching the broadest possible sections of workers and employees — in every workplace and sector, in working-class and popular neighbourhoods, and in rural areas where the poor peasantry is concentrated.

Today, we must decisively confront the following problem: namely, that we remain absent from important and strategic sectors, and that our sustained daily efforts have not yet been translated into broader and more consolidated structures of Party organization and strengthening.

Extensive industrial zones are emerging alongside those already in existence. Major investments are being implemented or planned in transportation, ports, logistics, energy, manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, innovation-oriented enterprises, and construction —especially large-scale infrastructure projects— among other sectors.

At the same time, there are enterprises employing thousands of workers in tourism, retail, and both public and private healthcare.

Scientific and technical services are also expanding, with their growth extending across many sectors of the economy that are experiencing an overall rise in employment. Such examples can be found in Construction, Telecommunications, and Information Technology, as well as within companies operating in Financial, Legal, and Accounting Services, Business Consulting, Research, and related fields.

We prioritize a range of sectors and enterprises that concentrate the activities and investments of the war economy and war industry, as well as areas whose characteristics are being transformed or reinforced as energy, commercial, and transport hubs.

Our focus is directed towards regions that account for 70% of private-sector workers: Attica, Thessaloniki, Achaea, Euboea, Boeotia, Larissa, Magnesia, Ioannina, Corinthia, Fthiotida, Heraklion, Chania, Rhodes, Messinia, Kilkis, Pella, Kozani, Aetolia-Acarnania, Kavala, and Imathia. We also concentrate on business activities of “special interest” and strategic importance.

Priority is likewise given to all major urban centres; every prefectural capital in the country contains substantial concentrations of workers alongside middle strata. Important rural centres are located in Thessaly, Central Greece, Central Macedonia, Epirus, and Crete —where livestock farming also plays a significant role— as well as in other regions of the country with major agricultural centres.

It is on the basis of these priorities that the work of the leading organs must begin in relation to planning and the objectives of organizational development and recruitment. To the extent that we succeed, the Party’s working-class composition will be strengthened further, particularly through recruitment from industrial sectors, while at the same time increasing the recruitment of self-employed workers and farmers. Special attention and planning are requires in regions such as Central Greece and Thessaly for the recruitment of women from working-class and  peasant backgrounds.

It is essential to maintain the socio-class hierarchy in recruitment targets, prioritize the key sectors of the capitalist economy, and deploy forces accordingly in order to achieve targeted development. This is a nationwide task, the planning and elaboration of which concern, above all, the Central Committee and its Sections.

The fulfilment of this task requires the systematic study of developments in each specific sector, as well as the analysis of the class struggle itself, both of which influence the formation of workers’ class political consciousness. This is all the more necessary given that major monopolies are making targeted efforts to shape workers’ consciousness in their own interests, while employers in every sector intervene collectively through carefully crafted plans, alongside bourgeois political forces, their representatives within the workers’–trade union movement, and the capitalist state with its complex mechanisms. The negative effects of this multifaceted and multi-layered intervention extend beyond the consciousness of workers in any single sector. Specialized work is therefore also required in relation to the ideological influence and recruitment of immigrant workers.

The Political Bureau, the Secretariat, the Central Committee Section for Work among workers, and central Party Groups, together with the Regional Bureaus, must work systematically to ensure that the elaboration of our positions, the conclusions drawn from struggles, and our overall capacity for struggle are organically linked to the development of our Party-building plan as a unified task. This requires the implementation of concrete measures, both in terms of  content and activity, contributing to overcoming one-sided approaches and to creatively resolving the essential relationship between ideological work and the Party’s daily activity within the movement.

At the same time, they must ensure —through the appropriate deployment of forces— support for those Regions or Sectors that bear direct responsibility for Party building in particular areas or sectors, but which objectively possess limited leadership capacity to carry this burden on their own.

The conditions are now in place for us to take a decisive step towards the comprehensive planning and integration of ideological and educational work into our political guidance. This must be a decisive step that ensures our daily political guidance work focuses effectively on deepening our ideological and political ties with our circle of influence, especially with the working class, and is not diverted from our strategy in the name of existing objective difficulties.

Achieving this goal requires strengthening the contribution of the guiding organs to both the formulation and implementation of a comprehensive plan integrating all aspects of ideological work into the Party’s daily programme of action. This includes the utilization and dissemination of Rizospastis, KOMEP, and the publications of Synchroni Epohi; the operation of an internal party education system; and the effort to employ specialized arguments in the struggle. Such a plan must be monitored consistently and rigorously through the combined use of all relevant indicators, such as the circulation figures of Rizospastis and KOMEP.

The principal criterion for this evaluation must be the extent to which our forces —members and cadres— have developed the capacity to build and strengthen ties with the working masses, the youth, and women; to monitor developments; and to formulate a line of intervention and frameworks of struggle that advance our strategy in every workplace and, more broadly, in every area of responsibility. We must cultivate a method, a way of thinking, a stance, and a course of action that takes into account the causes of acute problems, the prevailing attitudes, and the intervention of the opponent within each area of responsibility, so that we can limit its influence.

To secure all this, we must strengthen both the general and the specialized discussion of ideological and political issues within the Party Organs, particularly in the Sectoral Committees and the PBOs. Priority must be given to the dissemination, assimilation, and utilization of our analyses and positions within the PBOs and among all party members.

It is also necessary for the Organs to engage consistently in discussion on the extent to which the capacity of our forces to wage the struggle on the key fronts of the ideological battle is being generalized and strengthened, including:

▶ The scientific laws of capitalism and the deeper exposure of capitalist exploitation and its contemporary forms.

▶ Highlighting the nature of imperialist war as the belligerent continuation of “peaceful” capitalist competition.

▶ The interpretation of the cycle of economic crisis under capitalism and of anti-popular management at every stage, as well as, more generally, the analysis of the course of the capitalist economy.

▶ The exposure of the class nature of the modern bourgeois state, the dictatorship of capital.

▶ The promotion of our understanding of socialist construction during the 20^th century and the highlighting of socialism–communism as the only mature and realistic way out under the contemporary conditions of the 21^st century.

▶ The effective promotion and advancement of the “path of overthrow”, the necessity of the socialist revolution, and the irreplaceable role of the Communist Party as the revolutionary vanguard of the working class.

▶ The struggle against the reactionary contemporary manifestations of subjective idealism, postmodernism, self-identification, rights-based individualism,  and other expressions of bourgeois ideology, such as historical revisionism.

▶ The struggle against contemporary social democracy and opportunism.

Consistency in this approach to planning, organization, and control of our forces’ daily intervention presupposes and, at the same time, reinforces the individual and collective efforts of cadres towards continuous self-education and the mastery of the dialectical–materialist method for analysing and addressing problems. It also stimulates efforts towards deeper study aimed at Marxist education, which should not be confined to the assimilation of a set of arguments for the needs of the current struggle.

This comprehensive approach to work requires the establishment of an appropriate infrastructure within the Organs, the judicious deployment and allocation of cadres, and the proper prioritization of objectives. It requires the Organs to ensure the timely formation and effective functioning of Ideological Committees in every Regional and Sectoral Committee. It requires mutual reinforcement through the assignment and utilization of analyses, as well as the preparation of substantive thematic discussions. It requires an upgrading of the two-way relationship with the Sections of the Central Committee for the generalization and specialization of analyses, under the responsibility of the Political Bureau and the Secretariat.

The understanding that the Ideological Committee constitutes an important infrastructure for the implementation of the comprehensive planning of the ideological and political work of the Organs must be translated into practice by ensuring that cadres are not overburdened or, at the very least, that their responsibilities are to some extent supplementary.

Similar provisions should be made for the formation and operation of all Auxiliary Groups and Committees (e.g., Economy, History, Environment, Local Administration, Education, Culture, Women’s Equality and Emancipation, etc.), based on the available forces at any given time.

At the same time, efforts towards medium-term planning must be intensified in order to comprehensively identify and utilize new cadres, particularly in tasks that require a period of maturation and relevant specialization. This planning should also include the creation of a pool of new members and cadres with expertise in specific scientific fields and subjects (e.g., Health, Justice, Energy, Information Technology, Artificial Intelligence), with the contribution of the relevant Sections.

An immediate priority is the formulation and implementation of a unified plan by the Party Organs and KNE for ideological, political, and educational work, not only within the ranks of KNE but among young people more broadly within their respective areas of responsibility. The implementation of this task is critical for the success of KNE’s communist educational work, which is not limited solely to the initial phase of organizing new members, but concerns their overall development with the aim of their recruitment into the Party. At the same time, it is essential for the expansion of our ties with the youth, the ideological preparation of young people, and the recruitment of many young militants. For this reason, it is important that all levels of the Party organs fully internalize their responsibility for the ideological support of  KNE and the ideological work among the youth.

With perseverance, we must continue and deepen our efforts to advance a set of necessary measures for the success of our plan. In particular, we can and must make progress in the following areas:

▶ Restoring the relationship between KKE members and cadres and Rizospastis, ensuring its effective utilization in daily mass ideological and political action, and overcoming the current significant gap. This is a critical indicator of the political guidance capacity and cohesion of the Party organs.

▶ The study, utilization, and dissemination of articles from KOMEP and other Party publications, so that they consistently accompany all aspects of Party life (e.g. thematic discussions within the Organs and the PBOs).

▶ Improving the system of internal Party education and the schools for Party supporters, including the development of a new foundational level of knowledge for all PBO members.

▶ Strengthening educational work through the promotion of historical and literary publications, and engagement with progressive cultural production of all kinds.

▶ Monitoring, documenting, and analysing the ideological–political front and specializing the ideological–political struggle. This requires regular, substantive discussion within the leading organs to monitor progress in implementing our plan to upgrade ideological work, with a focus on strengthening the capacity of the PBOs and all Party members for action and intervention from the standpoint of the Party Programme.

The crucial point is that the implementation of all the above measures must be carried out in a coordinated manner, and not in isolation, maintaining a consistent focus on improving daily Party intervention and the multifaceted development of cadres.

The criterion for genuine progress in our work is whether we succeed in overcoming the inability of a significant portion of our members and cadres, as well as the Sectoral Committees and the PBOs, to engage in systematic and consistent work in line with the essence of the Party Programme, and the extent to which daily work is organized and guided by the dialectical relationship between revolutionary theory and practice.

The Party’s revolutionary continuity into the future is directly and fundamentally linked to the existence of a strong, mass-based KNE today. The responsibility for ensuring that KNE members and the organization as a whole acquire revolutionary characteristics, and are shaped as young revolutionaries with a clear sense of perspective so that they may earn the honoured title of Party member, lies first and foremost with the Party itself. Consequently, the condition and prerequisite for KNE to effectively serve as the Party’s primary source of new members is the substantive assumption of this responsibility and its translation into concrete measures of support.

We need to more decisively support the Party’s leading organs and the PBOs in drawing up a plan with substantive content that lays the groundwork for consistent and appropriate engagement with the youth. This is an issue that has been identified for many years but has not yet been resolved in practice. In other words, the Party must assume responsibility for ideological and political intervention among youth, rather than “delegating” it to KNE, and must, through its own activity, open pathways that facilitate the organization and development of KNE. This requires a deep understanding of the ideological intervention of our opponent; our own intervention must be informed, appropriately adapted, popularized, and penetrating, taking into account age, social and class experience, and the specific context of whether we are addressing a school student, a vocational student, a university student, or a young worker.

An example of this is the need to highlight the organic relationship between capitalism and fascism, so as to reveal the essence of fascism, racism, nationalism, and obscurantism, which create fertile ground for the development of such views and for the recruitment of young people into fascist formations.

From this perspective, it is particularly important to carry out ideological and political interventions that illuminate the perspective of socialism–communism on key fronts such as imperialist war, the social and economic impact of artificial intelligence, and the response to issues of rights-based individualism. On these issues we have observed delays, and such analyses are not utilized as they should be across the Party, KNE, and more broadly among the youth. It is also important to engage with historical questions which, as experience has shown, can help attract certain more radical and politicized sections of the youth.

The Party bears a major responsibility to promptly identify and confront contemporary reactionary theories and rationales that promote fragmentation and subjectivism and are channelled to young people through the educational system and other means (e.g. social media), as well as to recognize and counter similar social and political behaviours presented as “modern”, “progressive”, or “radical”, while also engaging with new technologies that are used as a cover for postmodernism and so-called progressivism. This requires the assimilation and further thematic development of issues in philosophy, political economy, and the scientific laws of capitalism, in conjunction with our own analyses and the question of the liberation and continuous development of the productive forces under socialism, with specific work by the Ideological Committee, the Section for Economy of the Central Committee, etc.

Our efforts must be refocused in this direction, first and foremost through the Party’s forces among educators, so as to intervene in the curriculum to win young people over to communist ideas, and to gradually develop the capacity to guide Teachers’ Unions, drawing on the expansion of our influence within trade unions. This should also involve initiating corresponding work, including thematic discussions with Parents’ Associations, making use of elected parents who are Party members. Furthermore, we must make more systematic use of organizations such as OGE, ESYN in relation to addictions, EEDYE, and PEAEA-DSE in relation to the ongoing imperialist wars.

The planning of such intervention should begin with the new Central Committee, with the appropriate staffing of its Sections and their orientation towards the relevant issues, the development of ideological struggle based on these, and also cooperation among them, as well as with corresponding central Party Groups and the Sectoral Organs of Educators, Higher Education and Research, and Artists.

Among the first issues that must be discussed within the Party, and across the whole spectrum of KNE, are the possibilities and risks associated with the use of the internet, particularly the individual use of social media —platforms which foster alienation, narcissism, fragmented thinking, stereotyping, and individualism, and which can even commodify the human body.

The Party must delve deeper into issues of communist ethics, relations between the sexes, parent–child relations, and communist education, and channel these into KNE.

We need initiatives that cultivate militancy and collectivity, selflessness, altruism, solidarity, and a class-based outlook, as well as creativity, thereby strengthening militant bonds through joint activities linked to the cultivation of aesthetics, artistic creation, and physical education. We have achieved much through the Festival of KNE–“Odigitis”, particularly its main event, in cooperation with certain Culture Centres. However, these efforts have not been sufficiently integrated into the BO and its activities, nor have they fully permeated the Party and KNE organs, so that the communist identity is expressed as a vanguard presence in all aspects of social life and action —in the personality of the communist, in how they judge, learn, see, hear, create, demand, and experience life— truly pioneering everywhere, an example and a model, a popular leader.

History, language, and art can serve as tools in shaping communists capable of analysing reality and identifying the path towards its transformation in the direction of genuine culture, social prosperity, and socialism–communism.

We must prioritize, and continue with greater determination, the effort to educate younger generations, which is inseparably linked to collective action and stands in contrast to prevailing norms, by fostering the values of the working class and the communist way of thinking, living, and acting.

The core of our work with younger children is the formation and operation of groups —friends of the “Red Hot-Air Balloon”— in neighbourhoods (per municipality or city), and the support and guidance of regular, systematic meetings of children of the same age with an adult group leader. The main content should be the themes and activities proposed in the pages of the magazine.

We are building on the fact that a community of families with young children recognizes the value of our positions on children’s issues; they approach us and are drawn towards us, beginning from this very point.

To expand this work, Party Groups in Education must become more actively involved, more comrades and supporters of the Party must participate, and we must strengthen the capacity of those engaged. We must cultivate a similar spirit among people working with children (whether professionally or through personal engagement), and we must get to know and collaborate with others in this effort (teachers, artists, physical education teachers, students in relevant disciplines). This should also support and expand similar initiatives within the mass movement (through trade unions, Women’s Associations, EEDYE, etc.).

The sum of this effort can further contribute to the qualitative improvement of the functioning and content of life and action within KNE’s Student Base Organizations, especially in secondary education, and leave a decisive mark on the organizational development of KNE.

Despite the steps already taken, we must not underestimate the emergence of problems in the political guidance of KNE, such as the ratio of recruitments to expulsions, the weak stance on issues of addiction (which may predate members’ recruitment proposal), the prevailing sense of “disappointment due to the unfavourable correlation of forces”, or the limited intervention of KNE members within the student union structures —mainly focused on daily student union issues, particularly in university environments.

Guidance and support for KNE must therefore mark a turning point and take concrete form as a Party responsibility. The central issue to which attention must be directed is the Party’s assistance in providing ideological and political support to the forces of KNE, taking into account the significant gap between new KNE members and elaborations at Party level, their limited class and political experience, and the strong influence of counter-revolution and bourgeois ideology on younger generations, who do not share the same perspectives as older comrades. In other words, the Party must consistently prioritize the development of a broad, organized educational, ideological, and political current within KNE, taking into account the contemporary demands of the ideological and political struggle.

Some critical issues:

▶ The Party must provide more systematic support and substantive political guidance to Party cadres assigned as KNE cadres. The designation “Party cadre assigned to KNE” must be accompanied by corresponding Party support, as in many cases it simply refers to KNE cadres who have been recruited into the Party, without this necessarily implying that they have reached the required level of ideological and political maturity to guide KNE’s organizations and organs. This also requires specific forms and methods of work on the part of the Party leadership. In particular, Party members elected to the Central Council of  KNE, and acting under the responsibility of the Central Committee, must fully recognize the Party’s responsibility and contribute to its substantive fulfilment through appropriate cooperation between Party and KNE forces.

▶ Ensuring consistent monitoring by Party organs of KNE’s internal organizational processes, and the provision of necessary support, first and foremost with regard to the ideological and political content of discussion, but also in addressing practical issues linked to support of KNE’s work. The first issue that must be resolved is the alignment of PBOs and BOs, and the Party’s systematic monitoring of the BOs. However, this alone is not sufficient. It must be understood that responsibility for supporting the BO rests with the PBOs and the Sectoral Committees themselves, and not solely with comrades assigned to monitor it. The BO’s sphere of responsibility is, in essence, the sphere of responsibility of the PBO that guides it, and this is how it must be understood. To the extent that this is achieved, steps will be taken towards the formation of a unified plan. Of course, the Sectoral Organs also play a special role in shaping this plan, as well as in the overall responsibility, particularly at this stage.

▶ With every “renewal” of the leadership cadre, care must be taken to ensure that the conditions for the formation and functioning of the BOs —and above all their ideological and political support— are not weakened due to inexperience. The Party’s support in ensuring continuity of leadership, the transmission of experience, and the sustained effort to instil revolutionary qualities in new comrades, particularly during such periods, is of crucial importance.

Of course, there are many other issues that must be examined in greater detail, especially after the Congress, in the run-up to the 14^th Congress of KNE to be held at the end of 2027, as well as during the preparation of the Pan-Hellenic Conference on Youth or the Plenary Session of the Central Committee, depending on the decisions of the new Central Committee.

Aligning internal party functioning and political leadership with the revolutionary character of the Party, its Programme, and its Statutes means ensuring that the purpose of such functioning and leadership is to organize the work of conscious revolutionaries, members of the KKE, in their struggle to overthrow capitalist power and achieve socialism–communism, and that all party life and activity are assessed according to this criterion. This, in turn, means that KKE members are called upon to act in an organized and revolutionary manner under non-revolutionary conditions, serving the goals set by the Party for its all-round preparation for the conditions of revolutionary upsurge. In order for this content not to remain merely rhetorical, nor to dissipate or become lost in the pressures of daily activity, it is essential that all efforts in political guidance consistently emphasize and focus on ensuring that every aspect of Party operation and action illuminates the Party’s programmatic objectives. In this way, the understanding that even the smallest task undertaken today constitutes a “building block” in the overall struggle for the overthrow of capitalist barbarity can permeate our daily work. This must find expression in a specific way of thinking, perceiving, acting, and functioning within the Party Organizations, and must constitute a permanent focus and core content of both the Party Organs and the PBOs.

For such a spirit to permeate Party functioning, a firm stance is required against unacceptable phenomena of laxity and liberalism, which are incompatible with the organization and action of a revolutionary party.

We must confront any compromise with modes of operation and habits that effectively reduce or diminish the role of Party members to that of passive listeners to reports or merely loyal supporters of the Party.

We must overcome the tendency to retreat in the face of the major and complex challenges confronting the Party members, especially those of working age, instead of providing support on the basis of collective criteria, rooted in the communist choice of life and action, and in an awareness of the difficulties and demands of the class struggle. This is linked to the corresponding preparation of younger Party forces, to substantive guidance and support for young communist parents, and to implementation of multifaceted ideological, political and organizational measures grounded in our understanding of the family, its evolution, and its responsibilities under prevailing historical and social conditions, particularly with regard to the nature of parental responsibility.

We must also address manifestations of bureaucratic practices and unproductive demands, which have no place within an organization of conscious revolutionaries.

The key criteria for advancing leadership work and Party functioning are:

▶ Strengthening the ability of all Party members to engage in discussions with broader workers’–people’s forces —forces defined in social-class terms within the Party Programme— concerning the KKE’s strategy, the goal of socialism–communism, and the path of revolutionary overthrow, both through their activity within the workers’– people’s movement and independently.

▶ Developing every Party member into a vanguard militant within their sphere of responsibility, capable of communicating with broader workers’– people’s masses with the aim of forging deeper political ties with them.

▶ Ensuring comprehensive discussion and preparation regarding the participation and intervention of Party forces within struggle. We must not discuss matters with them in the same way we would with members of a trade union, a farmers’ association, or a student union. Rather, we must collectively formulate criteria, objectives, and forms of action that make clear —first and foremost to the members of the Party and KNE— that the vanguard action of communists on any front, within any particular struggle, must serve the Party’s objectives.

▶ Ensuring a corresponding comprehensive discussion of the conclusions drawn from struggles in which play a leading role within the workers’– people’s movement, clarifying the role of communists within them. How are the daily struggles for gains from the standpoint of the working class and popular forces connected to class confrontation, rupture, and the overthrow of the system? How is this perspective advanced through the line we are shaping within the labour movement? What is the role of communists in opening up such a broader discussion within the working class? In other words, how can the experience gained through participation in struggle be utilized to deepen the discussion on the kind of movement required today, the direction the struggle must take, and the conditions necessary for a substantive and genuine victory for workers that meets the contemporary needs of working people?

▶ A central issue is the orientation of the leading organs, so that the content of  specialized work among women is incorporated into the action plan for recruitment and Party building, the Party’s mass ideological and political intervention, and the guidance of Party forces within the labour movement, the movements of the self-employed and poor farmers, the university and school student movement, and the radical women’s movement.

▶ How are the tasks of ideological and political struggle, vigilance, and readiness for action under all circumstances understood at the level of the PBO? The PBO and every Party member must clearly recognize that they bear direct responsibility for waging the ideological–political struggle to win workers’ and people’s consciousness away from the opponent and to repel the opponent’s attacks, and that this task cannot delegated elsewhere or  “resolved” centrally. This requires that the PBO possesses the capacity to understand its area of responsibility and to take the initiative in waging the ideological–political struggle against the specific forces operating within that area — not on the basis of narrow electoral criteria or the criteria of the correlation of forces within trade unions, but on socio-class criteria. The PBO must recognize that within its area of responsibility there may circulate views and positions that do not necessarily crystallize into the organized presence of political forces as they are conventionally understood. For example, nationalist views may exert influence in rural areas, regardless of whether such forces operate in an organized manner, while in educational settings forms of rights-based individualism  may similarly exercise influence.

This issue is critical for another important reason: namely, to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of ideological and political vigilance as the foundation for unwavering adherence to constitutional principles. This means countering the opponent’s attempts to infiltrate our ranks and strike the Party “from within”. The effort to strengthen elements of revolutionary education —the steely resolve that must unite historical and ideological knowledge with action and a corresponding way of life— is a question of improving our leadership work.

Such educational work can shape personalities with revolutionary characteristics, a militant way of life, and values, virtues, and ideals that can be cultivated through communist education, in opposition to the lifestyle promoted by the decayed exploitative system.

We must contribute to the development of communists as unyielding personalities: revolutionaries who struggle and act openly and boldly among the workers’ -   people’s masses, remaining fully conscious that they are in the crosshairs of the opponent, who will seek to undermine them, attack them, and divert them from their revolutionary goals.

Alongside measures aimed at increasing the circulation of Rizospastis, encouraging its study, and improving its utilization, the positive steps towards enhancing the newspaper’s content must continue and intensify, so that it may more effectively fulfil its guiding role, meet the complex demands of the ideological–political struggle, and contribute to the Party’s ideological, political, and organizational strengthening. Rizospastis must play a more substantial role in generalizing the experience gained through the activity of the Party organizations. The newspaper must strengthen its ability to present, in a popularized and more vivid manner, both the proposed way forward and the conditions required for its realization today, linking them to current developments and the to experience gained through struggle and the Party’s mass and political activity.

More decisive steps must be taken to improve the functioning of the Party’s news portal, 902.gr. The portal already makes a significant positive contribution to the dissemination and timely communication of the KKE’s positions, assessments, and  interventions in the context of the rapid developments of recent years. Increasing its reach, making use of an ever-broader range of information formats, sharpening its direct and multifaceted confrontation with the opponent, and more effectively highlighting the activity of the Party, KNE, and the workers’ and popular movement, constitute the basis for the further improvement of 902.gr and its Editorial Team, so that it may fulfil its expanded responsibilities as a media outlet of the KKE. At the same time, strengthening its staffing remains a critical issue.

Experience confirms that only the collectively organized utilization and intervention of the KKE and KNE within social media can integrate these platforms into broader propaganda work, highlight the Party’s intervention, and counter provocations and falsehoods directed against the KKE and its positions. Our position in favour of the collective, rather than individual, use of social media is reaffirmed, even where this runs counter to prevailing trends, in contrast to the views of the bourgeoisie and the opportunists, who treat social media as “neutral tools”, ignoring the objective reality that they remain in the hands of monopolies, imperialist alliances, and capitalist states. This position contributed to —rather than hindered— the improvement of our organized intervention on social media, and this effort must continue in the coming period. The unauthorized individual use of social media accounts constitutes a manifestation of organizational liberalism.

Any issues identified regarding individual use must be addressed in accordance with the relevant Central Committee Resolutions: namely, that members of the Party and the KNE must not expose themselves individually on social media; that the official accounts of the Party and the KNE serve as their public spokespersons; and that we support the organized collective use of social media accounts by trade unions and other mass organizations in order to publicize their initiatives and positions, thereby strengthening the irreplaceable role of collective organization and action in the places where workers live and work.

The implementation of the Congress’s Resolution will depend to a great extent on the competence, ability, and steadfastness of all cadres —first and foremost the members of the Central Committee and the Regional Committees— in confronting complex circumstances. At the same time, considerable effort will be required to establish a unified understanding, determination, and effective organization of control and action planning in advancing the central issue decided by the Congress. The Central Committee must therefore remain vigilant and continually assess the specific support it needs to provide.

A critical issue of strategical important for the Party and its future is the preparation and promotion of a broad layer of dedicated working-class cadres. Through the class struggle, a new generation of working-class cadres is maturing and developing which, with the necessary support and guidance, can evolve into capable cadres able to staff many sectors of Party work. The process of their promotion will depend primarily on the more direct and active participation of trade union cadres in Party-building, in the organization and education of young communists, and in the strengthening of Party and KNE Organizations. This constitutes the most essential preparation for their development into respected party leaders. Another important aspect of their preparation is the need to carefully study and assimilate the rich experience of the Party and the revolutionary movement, including both its positive and negative aspects.

For the Party’s overall leadership effort to be strengthened, a more substantive and creative deployment of cadres within the leading organs is also necessary, particularly within the Regional Committees and the Sectoral Committees. An immediate issue that arises is the need to safeguard the division of responsibilities, which is often swept aside by the pressures of day-to-day organizational work. The establishment of Auxiliary Committees is not a luxury but a major necessity, and their functioning must be consistently and effectively ensured, together with their comprehensive guidance under the responsibility of the Regional Bureaus, the Sectoral Bureaus, and their respective heads. Their orientation and the allocation of their tasks must be based on broader Party priorities and the needs of the Regional Committee and Sectoral Organization, so that they can strengthen their role as auxiliary bodies supporting the work of the leading organs. Staffing issues must be addressed through the utilization of cadres possessing specialized skills, while ensuring that the heads of these auxiliary committees are not overburdened and that they fulfil the necessary ideological–political requirements.

The new Central Committee bears the responsibility, under the guidance of the Political Bureau, of developing a unified guiding perspective among its members, who are entrusted with different responsibilities: within the leadership of Party Organs, in the leadership of Party Groups in mass organizations and movements, and in the research and study work of the Sections. A primary objective is to overcome any perception that treats the political guidance of party organizations as the principle or dominant criterion, thereby elevating it to the sole basis for the promotion and deployment of cadres.

The individual and collective responsibility of each member of the Central Committee must be strengthened in order to ensure stable and substantive cooperation both among its members and among members of the Political Bureau with different responsibilities, between Section Heads and Secretaries of Regional Committees, and between cadres from Regional Bureaus.

We must move beyond a narrowly formal approach to accountability and instead cultivate substantive cooperation and collective responsibility at every level, from top to bottom. This includes close cooperation between the leading organs and the Sections of the Central Committee or Party Groups and Auxiliary Committees at regional or local level.

The divide must be overcome between cadres who “run” the day-to-day work and those who “study,” interpret, elaborate positions, and organize ideological work.

The means for implementing this direction have already been identified and decided upon; what is required now is persistence in their implementation and monitoring. These include:

▶ The rotation of responsibilities.

▶ Ensuring that Party cadres regularly attend Party schools, participate in research and study groups, or undertake the delivery of speeches and presentations on specialized subjects.

▶ Broader delegations to meetings of Regional Committees, Sectoral Committees, and PBOs, as well as the corresponding organs of KNE.

▶ Inter-sectional collaborations and meetings involving cadres responsible for political guiding Party organizations, accompanied by thorough preparation on the part of those involved.

▶ Expanding organized discussions within the Organs, Sections, and PBOs — and correspondingly within KNE— on theoretical and ideological questions through the study of articles, bibliography, and related material, as well as discussions of the ideological and political conclusions arising from workers’ and people’s struggles, elections, and the content of specialized work among women.

We must continue, in a more decisive manner, to examine the deployment of Party forces with the aim of facilitating the building of Party cells in workplaces, the elaboration of sectoral policy, and the leadership of the movement. This also concerns work among the self-employed. The experience gained from such Party-building efforts in Euboea, Oinofyta, Piraeus, and certain areas of Attica and Thessaloniki should be discussed more broadly.

In the present conditions, in which popular discontent is growing and the potential is increasing to strengthen the mass base and orientation of a current of dissent —whose core is formed by the Party’s influence within the working class— the struggle must be intensified so that this core acquires class-based, ideological–political resilience and combativeness against the multifaceted interventions of capital, bourgeois political forces, opportunism, and the line of so-called common national interests under conditions of war.

This discontent has developed and continues to develop against the backdrop of the ruptures created by the pandemic and its management, natural disasters and the role of the bourgeois state in addressing them, the criminal policy that led to the Tempe tragedy and its subsequent cover-up, the intensification of imperialist competition and the consequences of the struggle for supremacy within the imperialist system, as well as Greece’s involvement in it. It has also developed under conditions of intensified exploitation, the escalation of all problems and workplace accidents, inflationary pressures and rising living costs, and the increasingly evident negative consequences for workers’ lives arising from the “maturation” of strategic choices of capital, the EU, and the CAP regarding farmers, implemented by successive bourgeois governments. It has been fuelled by the accumulated negative experience of the people, particularly over the past decade, and by dashed expectations.

However, working-class and popular discontent remains largely superficial and politically limited. As a result, the bourgeois political system, using the means at its disposal to contain and manipulate this discontent, is seeking to intensify pressure towards acceptance of the unfavourable correlation of forces.

Under these conditions of intensified ideological–political confrontation within the working class and allied popular strata, the competence of all Party members and cadres is judged by their ability to escalate their ideological–political intervention through the promotion of our programmatic elaboration, corresponding slogans and actions, and the drawing of conclusions from the experience of class struggle. Only in this way can they contribute to freeing the working-class and popular forces from the influence of dominant bourgeois ideology and its vehicles, and create the conditions for their rallying around the Programme of the KKE and for their struggle in an anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist direction. Accordingly, every Party Organization must be transformed into a cell—an active instrument for the implementation of these tasks.

From this perspective, we emphasize the Party’s role in intervening in the workers’ movement and in the movements of the working class’s allied social forces. Despite the steps taken since the 21^st Congress, the situation remains fluid and unstable. Our intervention must acquire the necessary ideological and political depth in order to consolidate the positive gains already achieved and to counter the risk of regression, in the face of the immense pressure that will objectively be exerted in the coming years within the framework of the war economy and military preparations, as well as in light of the reorganization of bourgeois political forces, particularly social democracy.

Today, certain essential conditions are required in order to achieve the necessary and urgent qualitative leap in our intervention in the workers’ and trade union movement. Specifically:

▶ Ensuring a unified understanding that, in the process of regrouping the workers’–trade union movement, the work on the Party’s Programme within the movement, the systematic effort to raise the level of organization in the unions with a view to shifting the correlation of forces within them, and the increase in participation of union members in struggles —thereby strengthening the anti-capitalist orientation of the struggle— are interlinked processes. It is essential that these objectives are pursued in tandem, as they constitute prerequisites for regroupment.

▶ The independent ideological, political, and organizational work of all communists within the working class and its trade union movement, grounded in the Programme and our broader elaborations.

▶ Organized and planned action, with the corresponding deployment of forces, to strengthen Party-building, first and foremost in workplaces and among specific categories of younger workers and women.

▶ The development and specialization of the frameworks for struggle and for vanguard militant action on workers’ issues.

▶ The simultaneous and continuous effort to rally broader sections of workers to the side of the Party and KNE, thereby increasing the number of people who act as a vanguard in ideological, political, and mass struggle, and preparing them to play a leading role in the struggles of the working class and the trade union movement.

For the communist–trade unionist to act as a vanguard leader and organizer of the masses, it is essential to take the lead in advancing our ideas within the workers’ and trade union movement, and to enlighten broader forces regarding both the necessity and the feasibility of overthrowing the system of class injustice and exploitation, namely capitalism, as well as the superiority and timeliness of socialism.

The Party Programme states that the rallying of the majority of the working class behind the KKE and the recruitment of the vanguard sections of the popular strata will pass through various stages. The workers’ movement, the movements of the self-employed in the cities and of the toiling farmers, and the form through which their alliance is expressed around anti-monopoly objectives, through the vanguard action of the KKE’s forces, under non-revolutionary conditions, constitute the prototype for the formation of the revolutionary workers’ and popular front under revolutionary conditions. Through the experience gained from their participation in organizing the struggle and in confronting the strategy of capital, the workers’–people’s masses will be convinced of the need for their organization and confrontation to acquire a comprehensive character, encompassing all forms of struggle against the economic and political domination of capital.

A deeper and more dialectical understanding of all the factors which, in combination, must contribute to raising the consciousness and organization of the working class and popular forces —including the collective experience of the workers' and trade union movement and the inseparable link between ideological–political work and the development of militant mobilization in defence of workers’ rights and interests— constitutes a fundamental criterion for assessing our intervention, as well as a measure of maturity and resilience amid the twists and turns of the class struggle.

We must develop a more comprehensive understanding of the Party’s unique and irreplaceable guiding role as the vanguard of the working class. It is necessary to recognize and take into account that the trade union movement represents a lower level of organization within the working class, and that all other political forces, the state, and the employers operate and intervene within its ranks. For this reason, the process of radicalizing and emancipating the working class is more demanding, as it depends on a range of factors that raise the requirements placed upon the Party’s intervention.

Communists, acting broadly among the workers’–people’s masses who are entering the struggle for their rights, and taking the lead on every issue faced by the people, must consciously contribute to linking the economic struggle with the political struggle. It must be understood that this is neither a one-off event nor a matter of slogans, but a sustained combination of ideological, political, mass, and organizational intervention before, during, and after the development of any struggle.

This requires the elaboration and specialization of demands and claims in every workplace and sector —which can serve as building blocks for the development of collective struggle— combined with a systematic effort to establish comprehensive frameworks of struggle and to form fronts of struggle that contribute to unifying broader sections of workers in an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly direction. It also requires an escalation of substantial demands, political confrontation with governments, employers and those truly responsible, so as to illuminate the path of struggle for the resolution of problems and the fulfilment of rights, which is inseparable from the struggle for the overthrow of the system.

Only along this path can workers take matters into their own hands, place obstacles in the way of the bourgeoisie, achieve concrete gains, recognizing the necessity of the struggle for workers’ power, which must increasingly acquire a mass character —particularly under conditions of acute internal conflict within the trade union movement— while developing our own strategy of continuous confrontation with other political and trade union forces that seek to confine the struggle to a reformist direction and to a guild mentality of vested interests.

The fact that the esteem and trust in the Party have grown among a broader section of workers and within the ranks of the trade union movement forms the foundation of this entire effort.

The rise in the Party’s prestige and the results of our action within the workers’ and trade union movement are also reflected in the elections of major unions, Labour Centres, and Federations in both the private and public sectors (14 federations, 22 Labour Centres, ADEDY, DOE, etc.), as well as in the expansion of unions rallying around PAME and being active in the mobilizations of the workers’ organizations participating in it.

The significant contribution of the KKE to shaping a current of contestation against the dominant political line —through its stance on all major fronts and its activity within the movement— must be pursued so that it acquires deeper and more stable characteristics.

A key issue in the coming period is the confrontation with the bourgeois plan currently being promoted, spearheaded by the PASOK apparatus. Its objective is for PASOK forces to confront the forces of the KKE more decisively in Attica, which carries particular national significance. The plan also extends to other regions where an increase in the Party’s influence has been recorded. Through its implementation, it seeks to reverse the situation and halt the development of the growing and deepening tendency of workers rallying around the Party, which is expressed concretely within the movement through the co-option of elected trade unionists onto on our own ballots, the alignment of elected representatives on executive boards, and the rallying of unions around PAME.

In the coming period, interventions by the state, capital, and their political parties in this direction will intensify across multiple fronts, requiring our forces and their mass mobilization to be provided with sustained ideological and political support. One such line of intervention by the opposition is the attempt to present the workers’ and trade union movement as a “social partner” and “partner in dialogue” within a framework of “harmonization of interests”. This is also the direction taken by the “social agreement” between the government, employers’ associations, and the GSEE, promoting the line of “national interest” and “social peace”, encouraging class collaboration, expressed through ideological constructs such as “we are all in the same boat”, particularly in conditions of war preparations and a potential economic crisis.

Processes unfolding in the context of broader developments triggered by the GSEE’s stance on the “Kerameos Law”, the aftermath of the “social agreement” on collective labour agreements, and the impact of our own intervention, are creating opportunities to detach forces from the influence of employer- and government-led trade unionism through consistent confrontation with their leaderships.

Within this framework, priority must be given to work based on PAME’s elaborated framework, and more specifically, its adaptation to each workplace and sector, the aim of strengthening the class-based pole within the workers’ and trade union movement. Only in this way can the path be opened for the formation of a nationwide, coordinated and unified movement expressed through common positions and demands that respond to the contemporary needs of workers, in opposition to the logic of compromise and co-optation of the movement.

This work helps to strengthen and expand the Party’s ties with the working class; ties which will be tested even more severely under conditions in which the war economy and the new capitalist crisis are accompanied by authoritarianism, repression, and employer intimidation, including the persecution of vanguard workers and attempts to ban political and trade union activity.

On the basis of our conclusions, the following points stand out:

First, the importance of having organized forces within workplaces as a fundamental condition for our intervention, for the development of struggles, and for influencing workers based on our political line.

Second, the guiding task of specializing the struggle on the basis of a thorough analysis of each workplace.

Third, the need for this struggle to shape the frameworks of struggle themselves, as a prerequisite for the regroupment of the workers’ movement.

The battle for regroupment will be determined in the major industrial areas, in industrial zones, in the sectors we prioritize, but also in critical sectors where our Party and trade union presence remains weak — including energy, information technology, transport, industrial sectors such as food and pharmaceuticals, the chemical industry, ready-made food processing industry and large-scale catering operations, supermarkets and major retail chains, warehousing and logistics, and private healthcare.

Our primary focus must be on organizing workers on the basis of their workplace, as a fundamental prerequisite for strengthening sectoral organization, unity, and collective action among workers at the regional and sectoral levels. Experience confirms that worker participation —ensuring collective action, discussion, and decision-making within workplaces, combined with a well-developed framework for struggle— is what has led to increased membership and participation of workers in company-based and sectoral unions, the continuity of struggles, and the formation of pockets of resistance.

On our work among immigrants

The Party bears a major responsibility in leading deeper ideological work aimed at understanding the phenomenon of migration and countering bourgeois ideological constructs, as well as the poison of racism and xenophobia. It must confront the savage brutality inflicted upon the victims of war and destitution, while advancing the common struggles of Greek workers alongside migrant and refugee workers.

We need a strong front against the new EU Migration and Asylum Pact, against the intensification of repression and authoritarianism directed at migrants and refugees, including the racist and inhumane law introduced by the New Democracy government concerning the imprisonment of migrants, as well as the barbaric plans for so-called “return hubs” in African countries.

At the same time, efforts to promote transnational labour-trafficking agreements in order to secure cheap labour across a range of sectors presents us with new challenges, as these workers enter the labour force, in opposition to capital’s plans to further depress the overall value of labour power. We must ensure that the labour movement adopts the appropriate orientation by developing a more specialized framework of the struggle —for example, around documentation, labour and social security rights, decent living conditions, and access to Greek-language learning. We must also work more systematically to increase migrant participation in unions and organizations of the popular movement, support their emergence as union leaders, and promote new forms of organization within the workers’–people’s movement for migrants and refugees, including through the expansion of cultural centres for Greek and migrant workers. At the same time, we must strengthen our independent work in line with the Party’s Programme.

We must also develop a more concrete and comprehensive plan for youth outreach through the activities of KNE in areas where young migrants gather, as well as among second-generation migrant youth, with a specialized focus on particular settings, such as schools where the overwhelming majority of pupils come from immigrant backgrounds.

Specifically regarding the promotion of a social alliance in an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly direction

Steps have been taken towards recognizing that the Social Alliance is not merely a coordination of various groups created to facilitate the rise of the movement, but rather an alliance of social forces aimed at overthrowing capitalism and building socialism–communism.

The cause of the Social Alliance is advanced through the struggle against major social problems, with the aim of addressing the full range of contemporary needs, which objectively can also provide the basis for joint action among potential allied social forces. This has been confirmed by major fronts of struggle that have assumed nationwide significance, such as the response to the crime in Tempe, the struggle against imperialist war, the fight for the protection of public health, the struggle to address the consequences of natural disasters on a mass scale, as well as the front against foreclosures and evictions of working-class households.

For this reason, it is of great importance to enhance our capacity to analyze and advance the anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly struggle within the movement throughout every phase of a cycle of struggles —during preparation, in the course of the struggle itself and following its conclusion, while considering the next steps. This work must be based on the collective functioning of the movement’s bodies, the Executive Committees, and the General Assemblies, under the responsibility of the leading organs and the Party Groups.

With this orientation, communists work through the activity of every organization, led by the workers’ and trade union movement, to develop a unified, nationwide coordinated movement in which joint action is expressed above all through common goals, demands, and solidarity.

We are gaining new and significant experience from the farmers’ uprising, marked by exceptionally mass participation in the farmers’ roadblocks and in the actions decided upon by the Nationwide Committee of Roadblocks, as well as through the intervention of the workers’ and trade union movement in adopting and supporting the farmers’ demands. This found expression in the slogan “cheap in the field, expensive on the shelf – all for the profits of the capitalists”, in the development of frameworks for organizing strikes and rallies, and in utilizing the content of the confrontation with the “budget of war and poverty”. This constitutes an important legacy in the effort to direct the struggle against anti-popular policy as a whole through the workers’ and trade union movement itself.

Once again, it has been confirmed that the critical link capable of uniting this struggle lies in the Labour Centres and the major unions in both the private and public sectors across the Regions. This has been demonstrated by the experience gained through the farmers’ protests: the shift in the correlation of forces within Labour Centres and Federations, as well as the shift in the balance of forces within the public sector, which contributed to the decision of the ADEDY Congress to call a strike against the state budget and in support of the farmers’ roadblocks, played a decisive role in shaping joint action by the working class and allied strata. The most advanced steps were taken in Thessaly, where a pan-Thessalian strike struggle escalated, directed primarily against the government’s budget, the EU, and more broadly the strategy of capital. Alongside the farmers’ roadblocks, other sectors of the movement —including the self-employed, students, and women— also joined the struggle.

Such a permanent orientation of our work must become firmly established, especially in the Labour Centres where we hold the majority, in Federations where we exercise greater influence (such as construction, food and beverage, and retail), in corresponding popular strata, and in the unions rallied in PAME. We must expand our engagement with organizations of the popular movement —farmers, the self-employed, and students— through carefully developed content, forms, and frameworks of struggle that illuminate both the causes of these problems and the way forward. More limited forms of joint action at the level of the city or region, addressing the acute problems facing our people, also contribute in this direction.

The key fronts of struggle that we have opened in recent years, and which continue to serve as a focal point for the coordination and mobilization of mass organizations and broader popular forces, are:

▶ The defence of workers’ and people’s incomes, of health and safety measures in the workplace, and the struggle against high prices, heavy taxation, and the directives of the EU, governments, and capital to reduce social spending in the context of the transition towards a war economy.

▶ The struggle against our country’s involvement in imperialist wars and against the consequences of participation in EU–NATO plans.

▶ The struggle for upgraded, exclusively public and free health services, encompassing both primary and secondary care, comprehensive child protection, and support for a dignified life for the elderly, people with disabilities, and those living with chronic illnesses.

▶ The struggle for exclusively public and free schools and universities, with emphasis on curriculum content, infrastructure, and the fight against class barriers in education.

▶ The defence of the right to housing, for affordable and quality housing under state responsibility, and against foreclosures, evictions, and unaffordable rents.

▶ Measures for protection against floods, fires, and earthquakes, aimed at safeguarding human life.

▶ The struggle for workers’ leisure time, culture, sport, recreation, vacations, etc.

On Party intervention among toiling farmers

The experience of recent farmers’ mobilizations confirms a number of critical conclusions regarding Party intervention:

1. The importance of a timely assessment of farmers’ sentiments in relation to accumulated and acute problems. The basis for such an assessment lies with Party forces —both organized and collaborating— above all unionized farmers, through their relationship with broader agricultural forces, primarily via the processes of the organized movement, such as assemblies, meetings, and other activities of the Farmers’ Associations and Federations, as well as their nationwide coordination through PEM.
2. The undertaking of well-planned initiatives that express a militant spirit, secure broad acceptance, and contribute to the formulation of organized mobilizations through the planning and decision-making processes of the organized farmers’ movement.
3. The development of a framework for struggle which, on the one hand, highlights the common problems and demands faced by different sections of farmers (crop farmers, livestock farmers, beekeepers, fishermen, and farmers differentiated by crop type or region —while, on the other hand, placing each specific problem within its broader context.

This process requires scientific support from the Party leadership, the education of communist and unionized farmers, and the continuous interaction of communist thought and analysis with the lived experience of discontented and potentially militant farmers’ forces.

A well-developed framework of struggle is a prerequisite for the unification of the movement. Its anti-monopoly orientation is what enables it to confront attempts to confine the struggle to a narrow “anti-government direction”, while also countering the intervention of forces linked to the capitalistically organized agricultural sector, which may at times come into conflict with the government itself.

The development, support and promotion of this framework through militant action requires an increasingly refined ideological and political struggle within the movement, given that discontented farmers —like discontented workers’— often engage in struggle without fully grasping the deeper social, economic, and political causes of their problems. The broader the discontent among the people and the farmers becomes, the more widespread become demands tied to political illusions, such as calls for political support for domestic agricultural production within the EU through a revision of the CAP, or demands for “national negotiation” within the imperialist alliances of NATO and the EU in favour of domestic industrial and agricultural production, under the guise of “saving the self-employed”, and similar positions.

The successful and, as far as possible, far-reaching conduct of the ideological–political struggle through the structures and processes of the movement requires a rich, well-argued, and substantive independent ideological–political intervention by the Party. A necessary condition for this is the involvement of broader Party and KNE forces, and not solely communist farmers, particularly in areas where our forces remain limited.

An important aspect of the farmers’ experience has been the expression of practical solidarity by the Party and KNE, using every means at their disposal, as well as by the class-oriented workers’ and trade union movement. This positive experience can and must be expanded nationwide across all rural areas, consolidated, and developed into the seed of a genuine Social Alliance between the working class and the poor farmers, and the popular strata of the self-employed in the cities.

Part of the escalation of these struggles also involves taking steps toward recognizing the impasses of capitalism, and towards understanding both the necessity for and the conditions of a class-based popular struggle aimed at overthrowing capitalist ownership and power and establishing workers’ power with the support of the toiling farmers. It must become widely discussed and understood that meaningful state support for agricultural producers requires scientific state planning based on the socialization of the means of production, and that freeing agricultural producers from the stranglehold of industrialists, merchants, and banks requires the abolition of land as a commodity to be bought and sold. It must also become clear that, if farmers are not to be driven from the land which they use as a means of production, a socialist state is necessary —one capable of guaranteeing infrastructure to protect against natural disasters, introducing new technologies, machinery and forms of organization that safeguard producers and production, raising living standards, increasing free time, broadening cultural and social interests, and creating the conditions for a richer and more multifaceted life. This also presupposes a different form of cooperative organization, functioning in complement to large-scaled socialist agricultural and livestock units, directly connected to socialist industry and state trade.

Ultimately, our educational work among farmers must help them overcome their fear of the abolition of capitalist property and instead understand the advantages of socialist property, including in relation to the land itself. Only on this basis can a militant relationship be forged with farmers’ forces, breaking with illusions that government policy can be changed through support for alternative bourgeois parties, or through the search for a supposedly “better” CAP in the interest of the individual farmer, livestock breeder, beekeeper, or fisherman.

On the Party’s intervention in the self-employed movement in the cities

The Party’s work among the urban self-employed must address significant internal weaknesses, namely:

▶ The lack of trade union organization among forces that are politically rallied in the Party, but for whom the PBOs do not undertake specific work aimed at integrating them into the trade union movement.

▶ The failure to assign Party members who are self-employed to dedicated trade union work among the self-employed, as well as to specialized ideological and political work, while they are frequently utilized in other areas of general activity.

▶ The absence of political guidance and support for the training and specialization of leading cadres for work among the self-employed and, consequently, the lack of Auxiliary Committees within the Party organs and the inability to properly organize Party Groups within organizations of the self-employed.

We must confront the inability of all sectors of the self-employed to elaborate the consequences of the capitalist strategy pursued by all bourgeois parties, particularly as this strategy adapts to critical circumstances such as a pandemic. Above all, we must address the lack of a concrete adaptation of Party intervention down to the level of the PBOs.

Recovery, even when temporary, creates expectations and diverts attention from the need for active participation in trade union action. At the same time, however, it does not provide a quality of life that allows for free time or encourages broader social activity.

All this demonstrates that the ideological–political work among the self-employed must be grounded in their enduring contradictory characteristics: lack of free time, constant insecurity, dependence on monopolies through credit and other mechanisms, debt to the tax authorities and the Social Security Fund, and difficulties in adapting to the technological control mechanisms of the modernized tax system.

Ideological and political work cannot be abstract or generic. It must take into account the specific conditions prevailing in each sector, where there are substantial differences both in the way pressure from monopolies and large capitalist enterprises is experienced and in the way the self-employed and scientists perceive our positions. In order to intervene on the basis of our Programme, it is necessary to consistently connect the problems facing the self-employed with the scientific laws of the socialist economy as the sole alternative to the capitalist economy.

On the activities of communist women in the radical women’s movement (OGE)

Since the 21^st Congress, steps have been taken to advance the activities of communist women within the radical women’s movement. The leading organs have placed particular emphasis on strengthening the participation of women Party members, mainly as a result of a deeper understanding among communist women of the character of OGE.

Certain steps have also been taken to increase the mobilization of women of a working-class and popular class position or origin within OGE Associations and Groups, as well as in the formation of new OGE Groups. At the same time, however, the need is growing to strengthen the ability of women Party members to work among broader masses of women from the working-class and popular forces who do not participate in unions or associations. The substantive participation of communist women in all the activities of the Women’s Associations and Groups of  OGE —and not merely a formal presence during elections to the Executive Committee— constitutes a prerequisite for attracting new forces of women to the movement.

It is evident that all this is linked to the support provided by the leading organs to the Party Groups within OGE Women’s Associations, enabling them to respond to the contradictory development of women’s participation in social labour, the elimination of certain inequalities and, simultaneously, the emergence of new inequalities or specific needs. At the same time, there is a need to deepen discussion around positions on women’s equality, so that these become a force for militant action on women’s issues, one capable of addressing, rallying and mobilizing new forces for struggle.

The stance of communist women must ensure the regular and effective functioning of the Executive Committees of the OGE’s Associations and Groups, as well as lively General Assemblies. Communist women must demonstrate creativity to overcome the difficulties encountered in Executive Committee meetings, difficulties arising from contemporary working and living conditions for women, including flexible and irregular working hours and the burden of childcare borne by new mothers. Confidence in initiatives and proposals is required, together with the delegation of responsibilities to all members of the Executive Committees of Associations and Groups.

Experience shows that women who rally together need encouragement to express their questions, thoughts, concerns, and proposals. In this way, the struggle against contemporary bourgeois and petty-bourgeois conceptions of the women’s question and the feminist movement can develop further, helping to raise awareness of radical demands and claims, and to organize militant initiatives and multifaceted interventions that strengthen ties with women in the popular forces.

We believe that the joint action of OGE with the organizations of the Social Alliance —including the workers’ and trade union movement, the farmers, the self-employed, the student movement, and other movements— must become more substantive, so as to contribute to the strengthening of the mass character of demonstrations and forms of struggle, as well as to a deeper understanding of common problems and their causes.

In Education

The forces of the Party and KNE are active in the field of education through comprehensive and vanguard action. Through well-founded arguments, they highlight the class roots of problems, as well as the contemporary needs and possibilities arising from the development of science. They engage in struggle against both longstanding and contemporary bourgeois philosophical currents and ideological constructs, while organizing and rallying broader popular and youth forces towards a rupture with current government policy, with the aim of creating obstacles, securing gains and strengthening confidence in the power of the struggle of the people and the youth.

In the coming period, the primary task of the Party and KNE in the field of education is to initiate discussion and action at every level on the base of the unity of education, economy, society, and ideology —that is, on the basis of the Party’s strategy.

We continue to organize and consolidate our rich, multifaceted, and diverse intervention, focusing on the school, the curriculum, and the wider activities carried out within it. We are strengthening comprehensive political guidance and support, as well as inter-sectional cooperation, with particular emphasis on teachers and KNE student forces.

We are contributing more decisively so that, in all PBOs and BOs in higher education institutions, we establish a leading role grounded in Marxist education, the capacity to follow the discipline, and the cultivation of critical thought. Our comprehensive plan must encompass the curriculum, engagement with the academic subject matter, the development of a solid foundation of knowledge capable of fostering a critical outlook, the integration of action around labour and professional rights, and the shaping of criteria concerning the role of the scientist.

In Health

The KKE places the issue of public health at the centre of its activity, treating it as a key front of struggle that strengthens the characteristics of the Social Alliance among healthcare workers, workers in strategic sectors of both the public and private sectors, the self-employed, the youth, and women of a working-class and popular class position or origin.

A constant front of struggle for the Party is its intervention on issues concerning disability and chronic illness, as well as Special Education and Training, which more broadly address the needs of working-class and popular families.

The way to harness the modern capabilities of science so that the people may live longer and better lies in the overthrow of capitalism and in the struggle for a new socialist organization of society and the economy, in which the direct producers of social wealth will enjoy the benefits of advances in medical science and research.

Today, science and technology are capable of offering humanity a great deal: disease prevention, longer life expectancy, and a better quality of life. Yet scientific achievements are not being utilized for the benefit of prevention, free healthcare and rehabilitation, but for the profit of the few, further intensifying the exploitation of labour power in an attempt to overcome the biological limits of the human body. The KKE struggles for the socialist organization of the healthcare system, where:

▶ Health is recognized as a social right and not treated as a commodity.

▶ Scientific knowledge is centrally utilized through planning in order to meet the needs of the people.

▶ Medicines, research, primary, secondary, and tertiary healthcare structures, as well as prevention are integrated into a unified and exclusively public healthcare and welfare system, based on social ownership of the means of production —that is, within the framework of workers’ power.

▶ Workers are not treated as a cost, but as creators of wealth; they are entitled to enjoy their own lives and health, as well as those of their families.

In the Environment and Civil Protection

Bourgeois environmental policy is moving towards the implementation of the EU’s guidelines for the “green transition”, with emphasis on ensuring the profitability of new “green investments” and further commodification of natural and social goods such as water, waste management, and forests. This policy based on risk assessment and management according to the cost–benefit criteria of capital and the state, while also promoting the large-scale urban regeneration projects designed to serve the needs of capital. At the same time, the integration of Civil Protection into the framework of the war economy — centred on NATO “resilience” — is becoming increasingly prominent. State policy also seeks to exploit the so-called climate crisis and water scarcity in order to advance these plans. In particular, in makes extensive use of the concept of “individual responsibility” both as a mechanism for indirect commodification and privatization and as an ideological tool.

In contrast to the approaches of other forces on environmental issues —which treat the environment and its destruction in a fragmented and piecemeal manner— our intervention focuses on highlighting the real causes behind the emergence and escalation of environmental problems: capitalist profit, the power of capital, and the anti-popular character of the bourgeois state. It also highlights the long-standing subordination of the environment to the profitability of capital and to related EU policies, as well as the negative consequences of bourgeois environmental planning for the people. We expose the true nature of the Civil Protection mechanism as an element of the broader strategy of the so-called “internal and external security of the European Union” and NATO. In the same vein, we highlight the EU’s RESC-EU mechanism, which in practice entrenches and perpetuates the deficiencies in firefighting infrastructure, merely patching over major gaps in the sector through a range of stopgap measures. The central focus of our intervention is to demonstrate the superiority of socialism in ensuring a balanced relationship between production, social life, and the environment —in stark contrast to the capitalist system and the strategy of capital and the EU.

At the same time, we utilize our organized action to protect lives and public property from disasters in residential areas, drawing on the experience of previous years as a means of promoting our policy, the KKE’s Programme. Experience shows that when we, as the vanguard, take the lead in the struggle, we can steer the movement toward collective demands and mobilization, foster popular solidarity, and effectively advance our positions.

In Culture

Culture, too, confirms the revolutionary and fundamentally distinct character of our Party in comparison with bourgeois parties, which do not engage in even basic cultural activity, as they are fully absorbed by the dominant bourgeois ideology and aesthetic.

Vanguard progressive cultural creation contributes to the formation of a radical socio–class criterion, cultivates aesthetics, and qualitatively enriches human life.

The utilization of culture in the work of Party organizations requires, first and foremost, the establishment of permanent Cultural Committees in every Regional Organization. A key factor in consolidating and developing the Party’s intervention in culture is the emergence of a new generation of artists, creators, and scholars in the fields of art and literature, with advanced expertise and a Marxist education.

In the coming period, we must ensure that our positions and analyses on art and culture are assimilated by the Party’s forces and permeate the entire scope of our mass work. Our understanding that culture cannot be a commodity must become a rallying point within the movement, and the question of “how, what, for whom, and for what purpose does the artist create” must be placed firmly on the agenda. Theoretical knowledge in the field of art, combined with vanguard artistic work and a pioneering stance within the movement, are necessary conditions for strengthening the prestige and capacity of our forces to rally artists and trade unions in the struggle against the barbarity and inhumanity of capitalism. These conditions are even more important today, given the influence that art and artists can exert on the working class and broader popular strata.

In Physical Education and Sport

We strive to ensure that all our activity counters the commercialization of sport and its use as a vehicle for promoting the values and norms of capitalism, competition, and bourgeois ideology.

This effort is all the more urgent today, given that we are referring to a structured environment involving approximately 500,000 people, who, from different positions (athletes, coaches, board members, parents) have systematic, if not daily, contact with and involvement in sport. Overall, we are dealing with working-age groups, young couples, and children whose engagement in sport begins at an early age, and which is therefore of particular social importance to us.  All these factors indicate that working-class families are struggling to keep their children involved in a sport, despite cuts in state support, while also taking into account the complete downgrading of physical education and physical activity in schools.

Our goal is to create the conditions for a broad coalition within Club Sports, representing people at the level of federations, associations, and clubs across all sports, with the aim of strengthening opposition to the commodification of sport.

Sports must be integrated as a right and a broader cause within the organized popular movement and mass youth organizations. Physical education for the entire population, regardless of age, contributes to both physical and mental health.

In the struggle against all drugs and other addictions

We oppose the policies of the bourgeoisie and the EU, which all governments in our country have faithfully implemented to date. These policies have led to the closure of all treatment programs, the persistent distortion and downgrading of comprehensive treatment of “dry treatment programmes”, and the strengthening of the “harm reduction” approach (substitution treatments, supervised consumption rooms).

We intensify the struggle against drugs and other addictions, such as alcohol, gambling, internet addiction, and others.

We oppose the downgrading of addiction prevention through the distortion of its content —a process promoted by the bourgeoisie through concepts such as “controlled use” and the “functional user”— while at the same time pushing the country’s 75 Prevention Centres towards closure.

Today, a broad-based movement is needed, with demands aimed at addressing the causes that give rise to and perpetuate the social phenomenon of addiction. Members of the KKE and KNE must take the lead in this movement, mobilize the masses, and expand the activity of the National Council Against Drugs (ESYN). We must intensify our efforts on the front against addiction within Parents’ Associations, Teachers’ Associations, trade unions, as well as sports and cultural associations.

We need to further strengthen our analysis as a Party and develop a coherent framework for struggle and demands regarding the impact of behavioural addictions (internet use, social media, gambling) on the formation of consciousness and action among young people, as well as the way in which a perception of tolerance is cultivated among occasional or non-users. This has a multiplier effect and negatively affects attitudes towards substance use, in contrast to the dangerous and misguided theory of the supposed right to freely choose addictions as an expression of “bodily self-determination”.

1. 1. We must accelerate the research and drafting of the History Essay of the KKE covering the period 1974–1991.
   2. We must organize a Pan-Hellenic Conference or an Expanded Session of the Central Committee on the Party’s work with the youth, its movement, and all-round support for KNE.
   3. On the basis of the rich theoretical, historical, and popularized educational material developed in recent years, we must update the plan for the assimilation and independent promotion of the Programme and its fundamental aspects —namely, the necessity of a socialist revolution, the importance of concentrating forces towards this goal, and the scientific laws governing socialist construction— as a guiding direction for ideological work within the Organs and the PBOs. Particular emphasis must be placed on strengthening our capacity to struggle against the notion of “humanizing the system”, namely the illusion that capitalism can be managed in a a people-oriented way. Emphasis must also be given to clarifying the kind of movement required for the working class to truly prevail, as well as the conditions necessary for resilience under the current unfavourable correlation of forces, where no immediate positive outcomes are visible.
   4. We must complete the final stage of the study on class stratification, including a regional breakdown, an examination of the current issues of the struggle, and deeper conclusions for the planning of the class struggle.
   5. A distinct research task, with the contribution of relevant Sections and Organizations, is the continuous monitoring, analysis, generalization, and forecasting of all developments related to imperialist war and the ongoing shift towards a war economy. This constitutes a top priority for strengthening Party preparedness, intervention, and contribution to the effort to regroup the International Communist Movement.
   6. We must proceed with the Central Committee’s Scientific Conferences on literature.
   7. As part of the research effort into the study of socialist construction during the 20^th century, building on previous work (publications, conference of the Central Committee, etc.), particularly in relation to the superstructure and the socialist state, we must proceed with the following:

   ▶ Complete and publish the second part of the study on the changes to the Soviet Constitution, including its conclusions. The research should also be expanded and enriched through the incorporation of the relevant experience of the German Democratic Republic.

   ▶ Proceed with the translation and publication of key works, as well as with the effort to critically present the debate on law and, more broadly, on socialist construction in the Soviet Union.

   ▶ Continue the study of the People’s Republics established after the Second  World War, as well as the history of the Communist International.

   ▶ Plan a study of the revolution in China, socialist construction, and the process of capitalist  restoration. In addition, developments in Cuba should also be studied.

   8. Building on the analyses conducted in previous years regarding key aspects of the contemporary international imperialist system, including the development of productive forces, Artificial Intelligence, the war economy and capitalist crisis, inter-imperialist contradictions and the expansion of imperialist war, the modern bourgeois state, and related issues, we must proceed with a comprehensive synthetic study of imperialism in the 21^st century. This study should examine contemporary changes in the material conditions, the living and working conditions of the working class and their impact on the formation of class consciousness. Closely connected to this is the need to monitor bourgeois discourse within the United States and EU member states concerning the trend towards a declining economically active population and the impact of demographic developments on competitiveness within the global capitalist market.
   9. Building on the previous — albeit fragmented, yet positive— experience, we must improve and consolidate inter-sectional cooperation on key issues such as the following:

   ▶ The anticipation and study of new problems and consequences arising from the integration of artificial intelligence into economic and social life; the effort to philosophically generalize scientific achievements and refine our line of action; and the necessary adaptation of the struggle within universities, Research Centres, and the movement more broadly. Immediately following the 22^nd Congress, a meeting of the Central Committee on issues related to artificial intelligence must be convened.

   ▶ Supporting KNE and the Party as a whole in the struggle against subjective idealism in all its manifestations —namely historical revisionism, rights-based individualism, gender and identity self-identification— as well as the Euro-Atlantic agenda concerning inclusion and multiple identities. This also includes the study of the lifestyle of today’s youth, characterized by excessive use of the internet and social media, alongside the spread of reactionary or spurious “anarchist” views disseminated on a mass scale through numerous channels. At the same time, emphasis must be placed on promoting communist principles and values, as well as the importance of communist education, in opposition to bourgeois models shaping the lives of young people.

   ▶ The study of the Communist Party under contemporary conditions, combined with a deeper exploration of the causes of the long-term decline of the revolutionary workers’ movement, in relation to the increased potential for the integration of the working class into the system. This also includes a comprehensive effort to intensify the struggle around issues concerning the bourgeois superstructure under contemporary conditions.

   ▶ Critiquing bourgeois policies regarding youth violence and delinquency.

   ▶ Strengthening the inter-sectional coordination in relation to our intervention within the Regions and Municipalities.

   ▶ Advancing our intervention on the demographic issue and the struggle against bourgeois policies in this field.

   ▶ The study of teaching methods in primary and secondary education, both overall and by individual academic field.

   ▶ Providing comprehensive support to KNE in strengthening the discussion, on a consistent basis, within universities around the theme of “curriculum—ideology—economy—labour”.

   ▶ Confronting the new government measures concerning schools and the “national high school diploma”, while highlighting the Party’s proposal for an education system that meets the contemporary needs and possibilities of our era.

   ▶ Intensifying the struggle against contemporary manifestations of the theory of “patriarchy as a source of violence against women and as an obstacle to their participation in new fields of work and in administrative bodies”, among other related views. The ideological front concerning women’s inequality, its class character, and women’s new contemporary needs from a class perspective should not concern only the radical women’s movement, OGE, and its militance, but must also be channelled through strengthened cooperation with other social movements, including the workers’ movement.

   ▶ Elevating the struggle through engagement with issues of history, culture, and ideology within the bourgeois media, making use of and collaborating with academics and scientists who have joined forces with the Party.

In the storms that lie ahead, in a world set ablaze, we can rise to the challenge with a powerful KKE —steadfast in every trial, ready to answer history’s call, for socialism. Through our daily action and stance, we can each make our small revolutionary contribution as we approach the 110^th anniversary of the founding of our heroic Party.

For the final liberation of the working class and all working people, all those who create the material and spiritual wealth of humanity. So that we may reach the communist society of harmony: “from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs”. After all, the very development of society creates the conditions and moves in this direction.

It is towards this boundless, yet historically concrete, objective that the present struggle and the “revolutionary organized way of life” of communists are objectively directed; it is upon these foundations that the Resolutions of our 22^nd Congress are also based.

With these Resolutions and with our Programme, we address workers and employees in both the private and public sectors, the self-employed, scientists, toiling farmers, retired workers, young people, university and school students, women, immigrants, and all working people —regardless of race, ethnicity, sex, sexual orientation, colour, or religion— calling upon them to join forces with the KKE for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalist barbarity, for socialism.

The 22^nd Congress of the KKE

31 January 2026